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761.
The term “post-black art” was invented in the late 1990's by Thelma Golden, curator and executive director of the Studio Museum in Harlem and Glenn Ligon, an African American artist. This paper examines the origins of the term, its definition and the extent to which the phrase challenges cultural practices that adversely impact artists of color and women. A discussion of the works of two African American artists who worked in the early part of the 20th century provides historical perspective on the origins of damaging cultural practices which prevailed for many decades. Though the civil rights movement instigated real change, the era unwittingly played a role in introducing cultural policies and practices that continued to limit the way in which the work of women and artists of color was presented and interpreted to the public. The paper concludes by observing the work of individual artists who circumvented those limiting cultural policies and practices and who in their imaginatively inventive ways of engaging the public were the precursors to the current "post-black" point of view.  相似文献   
762.
This article offers an exploration of the intellectual woman worker in the inter-war years through reference to Rosamond Lehmann's novel, Dusty Answer, and Virginia Woolf's essays, A Room of One's Own and Three Guineas. These texts are read in relation to a number of theorists of the intellectual – Joan Riviere, Pierre Bourdieu, Antonio Gramsci and Edward Said. The article recognises the validity of Sonya Andermahr, Terry Lovell and Carol Wolkowitz's claim that ‘a systematic working through of theories of intellectuals in relation to gender has yet to be written’. As an initial response to that neglect, it investigates the multiple difficulties for the woman in constructing herself as ‘an intellectual’ and relates these problems to issues of class, gender and the cultural history of the intellectual. The article is framed by reference to two of David Lodge's novels of intellectual life, Nice Work and Thinks, in which the story of feminist literary critic, Robyn Penrose, indicates how problematic the position of the woman intellectual continues to be.  相似文献   
763.
The women who took part in the campaign for female suffrage in Britain are often portrayed as dedicated, serious and devoted to the cause, with little time for other interests. Although this may be true for the most active suffragists, there were many who joined local societies and supported the movement while continuing to live ordinary lives. This article demonstrates that a significant sample of activists of all ages and backgrounds were enthusiastic sportswomen and espoused a wide range of other pastimes. Many also belonged to a ladies’ club, particularly those in London’s West End, in which they could dine, conduct business or relax away from home or work. By taking part in the increasingly diverse social, cultural and sporting environment available to middle‐class Edwardian women, they struck a further blow for female emancipation.  相似文献   
764.
ABSTRACT

The article engages with Julie Stephens (2011) book, Confronting Postmaternal Thinking, which argues for a ‘regendered’ feminism to counter the current postmaternal and neoliberalist focus on paid work to the detriment of relationships of care. Stephens points to ecofeminism as illustrative of a potentially new form of maternalism which could achieve this. While broadly agreeing with Stephens’s diagnosis of neoliberalism as amplifying the impoverishment of relations within natural and societal worlds, I contest her construal of ecofeminism and care ethics to maternalism. Instead, I propose a concept of embodied care that speaks to the ecofeminist imperative to support a radical restructuring of social and political institutions such that they focus on more-than-human flourishing. This is not to argue for a form of regendered maternalism, but neither does it seek to cast maternalism as something to be transcended. Rather, an approach to care that foregrounds connectivity and entangled materialisations provides an ethical resource to confront the dead hand of neoliberalism and a starting place from which to re-figure the postmaternal through a radical and liberatory focus on embodied relatedness.  相似文献   
765.
McAleese M 《危机》2008,29(1):53-55
Reducing suicide rates requires a collective, concerted effort from all groups in society: health, social services, other professionals, communities and community leaders, voluntary and statutory agencies and organizations, parents, friends, neighbors, and individuals. It also requires the careful nurturing of a culture in which people in psychological distress don't hesitate to seek help from family, friends, health professionals and community leaders, a culture that recognizes the signs and signals of distress and is willing to help, and that focuses early in life on developing good coping skills and avoiding harmful practices; in short, a sensitive culture that cherishes human courtesy and takes responsibility for our own mental health and the mental health of others. Suicide occurs in many diverse contexts but there are recurring patterns and elements that research is revealing to us. The more we are learning, the better we are able to devise strategies and take action. We already know, for example, that alcohol abuse plays a very significant role in suicide and features prominently in youth suicide. Research has also established that cannabis increases the risk of depression and psychosis and that it reduces normal inhibitions against suicide. Since marijuana is the illegal drug most used by those under25 years of age, a critical factor in suicide prevention must be to inform young people as to its danger and counter the erroneous impression that it is a benign substance. We know that bullying sometimes features in the story of suicide. Our young people need to know just how damaging, just how unacceptable, bullying is. Education and access to support structures - whether at work, school, or home - are an essential part of protecting the victim of bullying not just from the bully but from their own downward spiral into suicidal thoughts. A less discussed but nonetheless important issue worth raising is the issue of dealing with sexual identity. Although Ireland is making considerable progress in developing a culture of genuine equality, recognition, and acceptance of gay men and women, there is still an undercurrent of both bias and hostility which young gay people must find deeply hurtful and inhibiting. For them, homosexuality is a discovery, not a decision, and for many it is a discovery which is made against a backdrop where, within their immediate circle of family and friends as well as the wider society, they have long encountered antigay attitudes which will do little to help them deal openly and healthily with their own sexuality.  相似文献   
766.
This article discusses housing and the welfare state in Norway in 1980 and 2005 by applying Esping‐Andersen's theories of welfare state regimes to this sector. How should Norwegian housing policy be understood in light of Esping‐Andersen's conceptual framework, and what is the impact of post‐industrial change? In 1980, Norwegian housing policy was mainly characterised by social‐democratic traits such as market regulation, substantial public expenditure and universal subsidies for both renters and a large owner‐occupied housing sector. The effects of post‐industrial changes, including deregulation of the credit and housing markets, marked a major turn in housing policy and the housing market in Norway. By 2005, Norwegian housing policy was mainly characterised by traits that are typical of a liberal welfare regime: market economics, low public expenditure and subsidies for small, targeted groups, while other segments of the Norwegian welfare state remain characterised by social‐democratic traits. Esping‐Andersen's claim that the effect of post‐industrial transformation was different in different welfare regimes is thus not supported by the case of the Norwegian housing sector.  相似文献   
767.
Why does community matter for political participation? In this paper, I consider how community psychology, particularly “sense of community” can be used to address questions of political behavior. Individuals’ perceptions about their significance in a given community can have meaningful effects on the way in which communities influence politics. Using a unique survey instrument designed to capture individual’s perceptions of community connectedness and political behavior across five contexts (workplace, church, associations, neighborhood, and circle of friends (i.e., an informal network) I analyze data from 822 respondents and examine how sense of community influences two types of political behavior: voting in local elections and political discussion. The empirical analyses presented demonstrate that sense of community contributes to explaining voting and discussion, even after controlling for demographic, personality, and other political factors.  相似文献   
768.
Among the many consequences of Brexit for Northern Ireland has been how it has contributed to and coincided with some alteration of the electoral landscape. This includes the rise of the centre ground and, in particular, the Alliance Party of Northern Ireland (APNI). This article focusses specifically on how the Alliance Party, as the largest of Northern Ireland's middle ground parties, has navigated the Brexit period and with what effect. The analysis explores the implications of the growing size and strength of the Alliance Party for Northern Ireland politics, institutions, policies, north-south relations and the constitutional future. It concludes that although the nationalist versus unionist binary remains valid and consequential in Northern Ireland, it is being challenged and tested by the rise of the middle ground in ways which offer both opportunities and challenges for Northern Ireland's future.  相似文献   
769.
The question of title to property between married couples remains intractable in Nigeria’s social context. Ownership is addressed by Nigerian courts in a discretionary framework devoid of a cohesive conceptualization. By reviewing cases in Nigeria and England the paper finds that the exercise of discretionary justice is a ‘cold legal question’ and defective in granting a realistic outcome. A different approach is germane to achieve justice in family law. It concludes that the extant judicial approach is at variance with the marital vow ‘with all my worldly possessions I thee wed’ which imports unity of assets in the social psyche of parties.  相似文献   
770.
The relationship between organizational commitment and job performance matters in public service delivery, and so does the emotive dimension of the citizen—state interaction. However, public management theories and principles must take national culture into account, because comparative investigation reveals limits to generalizability across cultures. This study provides an example. It examines the link between commitment and performance as well as the moderating effect of emotional labor for public service workers in Korea and the United States. Probably due to the differing effect of collectivist versus individualist norms, findings reveal that authentic emotive expression bolsters the relationship between organizational commitment and job performance in Korea, while its opposite, inauthentic emotive expression weakens the link between commitment and performance in the United States. 공공서비스를 전달하는 과정에서 조직몰입과 직무성과의 관계는 중요한 문제이며, 이에 못지않게 시민-국가 상호작용에 있어서 감정적 차원 또한 중요한 문제이다. 공공관리 이론이나 원리를 연구할 때 국가차원의 문화를 고려할 필요가 있는데, 이는 비교연구의 수행이 서로 다른 문화들을 일반화하는 데 따른 한계점을 파악할 수 있게 해 주기 때문이다. 본 연구는 이러한 측면에서 하나의 본보기를 제시한다. 이 연구는 몰입과 성과의 관계를 고찰할 뿐만 아니라 감정노동의 조절효과를 미국과 한국의 공공부문 종사자들을 통하여 살펴본다. 본 연구의 결과는 한국의 공공조직에서 진성 감정표현이 조직몰입과 직무성과를 강화해 줄 수 있으며, 이와는 대조적으로 미국의 공공조직에서는 비진성 감정표현이 몰입과 성과의 관계를 약화시킬 수 있다는 점을 보여준다. 이러한 결과는 집단주의 문화와 개인주의 문화가 서로 다른 영향을 미친 것으로 보인다.  相似文献   
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