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11.
Regulatory reforms to public infrastructure services across European Union (EU) countries were aimed at increasing consumer welfare by introducing competition and choice into service markets. However, empirical evaluations have questioned whether these reforms have benefitted all consumers, suggesting that vulnerable groups of service users (especially those with lower levels of formal education), might be locked into poorly performing services. We assess the relationship between the level of competition in electricity and fixed telephony markets in EU countries and evaluate the affordability of these services for different socio‐educational layers. Our findings show that – although in countries where there is a relatively high frequency of switching, inequalities between socio‐educational groups are smaller and eventually disappear – competition as such does not play a part. These results suggest that demand‐side regulation that successfully enables consumer switching has the potential to equalize social welfare, thereby reflecting a possible convergence of regulatory instruments and the central aims of the welfare state in this context.  相似文献   
12.
The article scrutinizes the emergence and expansion of EU-related professions and forms of occupation from a field-analytical perspective. Starting from the observation that the EU is not just an influential political actor, but also an expanding area of work, expert involvement and job specialization the paper discusses various forms, dimensions and loci of the ongoing “professionalization” of Europe. It is shown that the expansion of EU-related professional activities is not just a phenomenon of Brussels and the “Eurocracy”, but has expanded into the member states and various areas of occupational activity and expertise. The EU professionalization is conceptualized as a transnational field of specialization and professionalization which produces own principles, forms of knowledge and resources which are used and reproduced by experts and specialists. The field perspective allows identifying common principles, but also the variance and transnational dimension of EU affairs.  相似文献   
13.
白沙天 《外交评论》2006,4(6):41-48
本文讨论了欧洲和中国软实力政治对于东亚地区治理过程以及全球治理的影响。文中笔者重点讨论了欧盟及美国对东亚地区特别是对中国政策的特点;指出了二者的区别所在,及其对东亚地区化进程以及东亚地区发展带来的不同影响。通过比较,说明软实力对于地区治理及全球治理将产生深远影响。  相似文献   
14.
The complex nature of medieval Arabic compilations, with their evidence of manifold pieces and layers of diverse (older) text material, has been puzzling to many scholars of Islam. It has even caused some researchers to question the authenticity and credibility of information contained in these texts—and their value as historical sources—altogether.

An inquiry into the theoretical controversies at issue here constitutes the starting point of this article. Additionally, we will look at the categories and terms more frequently used in Western studies of the sources of Arabic compilations from about the eighth to the eleventh century Common Era (CE). The second part of the article offers an extensively annotated catalogue of categories and terms. This terminology, it is hoped, will help advance the assessment of classical Arabic compilations, for it takes the actual circumstances of the transmission of knowledge and the working techniques of compilers in medieval Islam into proper consideration. In conclusion, the paper illustrates how the proposed categories and terms are to be applied. It will become clear that the application of this kind of refined source-critical examination of individual classical Arabic texts is instrumental to a better understanding of medieval Muslim scholarship in general.  相似文献   

15.
This paper reviews the role of internal European Union (EU) policies and measures in implementing the target for greenhouse gas mitigation in the Kyoto Protocol. It starts with a discussion of the EU Burden Sharing Agreement, which distributes the target between Member States. This leads to a review of the appropriate level of implementation of policies, i.e. at the EU level or Member State level. There is a role for the flexible mechanisms of the Protocol, particularly emission permit trading, in complementing Member State policies at the EU level. The implementation is to be done against the background of three major factors which may have an important bearing on the policies: the probable long-term requirement of substantial reductions in greenhouse gas emissions a changing structure of energy markets, following liberalisation of the gas and electricity markets EU enlargement to include economies in transition with the potential for further substantial reductions in emissions.The paper concludes with a discussion of ancillary benefits of the policies that may be substantial and a summary of the position as regards the "unfinished business" of the Protocol to be discussed at the Conference of the Parties in the Hague in November 2000.  相似文献   
16.
Resolution of the trauma of childhood sexual abuse (CSA), and the current adjustment of 60 adult female CSA survivors were explored through qualitative and quantitative analyses of their coping strategies, perceived benefits, and meaning-making attempts. While the majority of the women (87%) perceived at least some benefit resulting from coping with the CSA experience, many (29%) found it impossible to make any meaning of their trauma. Specific benefits that were associated with various aspects of positive adjustment (marital satisfaction, better physical health, less isolation) included improved relationships with others, religious or spiritual growth, and improved parenting skills. Some perceived benefits were actually associated with a negative outcome. Increased knowledge of sexual abuse was associated with more isolation and lower marital satisfaction. When positive meaning could be derived from the coping process, the women reported less isolation. Avoidant coping was strongly associated with more depressive symptoms and poorer resolution of abuse issues. Results highlight the importance of considering coping strategies and cognitive restructuring efforts in designing therapeutic interventions with this population. Portions of this paper were presented at the annual meeting of the Midwest Psychological Association, May 2004, Chicago, IL.  相似文献   
17.
18.
Contact and close‐range gunshot injuries can produce bloodstains on the shooting hand and weapon. In this study, backspatter was analyzed in experimental horizontal pistol shots into blood‐filled sponges. The shooting distances were set between 0 and 45 cm. With increasing shooting distance, there was a significant decrease in the degree of backspatter. Microspatter could be detected on the weapon and shooting hand up to a shooting distance of 40 cm. They were predominantly located on thumb and index finger as well as the radial dorsal aspects of the hand. Fine spray of microspatter combined with elongated droplets in the shape of exclamation marks was found at contact and 2‐cm distance shots. An angular calculation based on the shape of the bloodstains was possible up to a shooting distance of 2 cm. No bloodstains were detected beyond 45 cm.  相似文献   
19.
Trade negotiations conducted in the World Trade Organization(WTO) offer the significant benefit that their results can bemade legally binding and enforceable through an effective disputesettlement system. If negotiators wish to avail of this benefit,they must follow the correct procedures to give legal effectto their work. This article critically evaluates the main methodsof converting the results of WTO trade negotiations, with aparticular focus on the ongoing Doha Round, into WTO law. Itdemonstrates that amendments to the WTO agreements are procedurallycumbersome and have significant limitations. The article thereforeanalyses several alternative methods including modificationsto schedules, decisions of the Ministerial Conference (suchas waivers, authoritative interpretations, and Other Decisions),and the incorporation of new agreements into WTO law (whethermultilateral, plurilateral, or reference rules accepted throughschedules). The choice between these various methods is complicatedas each has advantages and disadvantages. By comparing and evaluatingthe available options, this article aims to assist negotiatorsand lawyers in making that difficult choice.  相似文献   
20.
This paper analyses strategic considerations within the conceptual, the policy and the systemic dimension of US–Sino relations. Furthermore, the role of the EU’s soft power in the context of US–China relations will be assessed. It will be argued that current US–China relations are mainly a function of the current US foreign policy towards China, which doesn’t take into account that an engagement policy towards China needs to be paralleled by an engagement policy towards the East Asian region. A functional equivalent of the EU’s soft power and its approach of bilateral and multilateral engagement of East Asian actors is a missing element in US–China relations. The thinking on China affairs in the USA can be broadly structured into two different schools of thought. On the one side there are those who favour an engagement policy vis-à-vis China. The engagement school argues that bilateral and multilateral cooperation with China needs to be intensified. Traditionally members of this school are found in the Department of State and the Bureau of the US Trade Representative. On the other side there are those who think of China as a threat that needs to be contained. The politicians and experts that belong to the threat school (e.g. in the Heritage Foundation and the American Enterprise Institute) emphasize their fears of China’s future role on the regional and global level. Though China has supported the US’s “war on terrorism” after the attacks of 9/11, Beijing’s increasing military budget, its neglect of non-proliferation agreements (e.g. in its relations with Pakistan) and its behaviour within the Six-Party Talks are taken as examples of the China threat. Security policies do not solely determine the relationship between the USA and China. The US China policy is a function of both the US’s economic and security interests. This explains why Washington follows a dual policy of simultaneous engagement and containment, i.e. a policy of hedged engagement. But the current state of affair of the Sino–US relationship does not reflect the rise of China as a de facto hegemon of an East Asian community. It is the inherent danger of the current US China policy that the missing regional component in US–China relations could facilitate the formation of a fortress Asia. Since Beijing holds the key to Asian regionalism, China should be the main target of European soft power in Asia by exporting the principles of regionalism and multilateralism to Asia. To what extent the EU and its model of intraregional cooperation and integration can influence the objective and trajectory of Asian regionalism will demonstrate partly the extent of Europe’s soft power in the international system.
Sebastian BersickEmail:
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