首页 | 本学科首页   官方微博 | 高级检索  
文章检索
  按 检索   检索词:      
出版年份:   被引次数:   他引次数: 提示:输入*表示无穷大
  收费全文   427篇
  免费   16篇
各国政治   26篇
工人农民   27篇
世界政治   38篇
外交国际关系   26篇
法律   194篇
中国共产党   1篇
中国政治   2篇
政治理论   125篇
综合类   4篇
  2023年   5篇
  2021年   5篇
  2020年   13篇
  2019年   8篇
  2018年   9篇
  2017年   12篇
  2016年   10篇
  2015年   8篇
  2014年   9篇
  2013年   47篇
  2012年   5篇
  2011年   7篇
  2010年   11篇
  2009年   11篇
  2008年   9篇
  2007年   16篇
  2006年   7篇
  2005年   11篇
  2004年   14篇
  2003年   13篇
  2002年   12篇
  2001年   19篇
  2000年   11篇
  1999年   8篇
  1998年   13篇
  1997年   6篇
  1996年   9篇
  1995年   5篇
  1994年   5篇
  1993年   5篇
  1992年   7篇
  1991年   5篇
  1989年   14篇
  1988年   6篇
  1987年   6篇
  1986年   6篇
  1985年   7篇
  1984年   5篇
  1983年   7篇
  1982年   3篇
  1981年   7篇
  1980年   9篇
  1979年   3篇
  1978年   5篇
  1977年   4篇
  1976年   3篇
  1973年   3篇
  1971年   3篇
  1968年   3篇
  1967年   2篇
排序方式: 共有443条查询结果,搜索用时 15 毫秒
101.
102.
103.
104.
105.
Thinkers with Jewish backgrounds, whether ascribed, embraced or even denied, created the central grammar used in modern attempts to understand nationalism. This introduction first describes the central dilemma faced by those with Jewish conditions when confronted by the rise of ethnonationalism. The responses to the dilemma were varied, so the bulk of this introduction describes some of the most important intellectual boundaries—doing so in such a manner as to introduce the specialist studies that then follow.  相似文献   
106.
107.
The essay aims to explain the emergence of Kahanism in Israel and why Israeli democracy saw it necessary to defend itself against Kahane's quasi‐fascist ideas and to curtail his legitimacy. The author reflects on the Kahanist phenomenon, its ideology and political programme which brought Rabbi Kahane to the Knesset. The reading of Kach's racist proposals explains why extraordinary measures were taken against Kahane by the political system as well as by the media and the educational system.  相似文献   
108.
Joshua Cohen 《Ratio juris》1999,12(4):385-416
Jürgen Habermas is a radical democrat. The source of that self-designation is that his conception of democracy—what he calls “discursive democracy”—is founded on the ideal of “a self-organizing community of free and equal citizens,” coordinating their collective affairs through their common reason. The author discusses three large challenges to this radical-democratic ideal of collective self-regulation: 1) What is the role of private autonomy in a radical-democratic view? 2) What role does reason play in collective self-regulation? 3) What relevance might a radical-democratic outlook have for contemporary democracies? The author addresses these questions by considering Habermas' answers, and then presenting alternative responses to them. The alternatives are also radical-democratic in inspiration, but they draw on a richer set of normative-political ideas than Habermas wants to rely on, and are more ambitious in their hopes for democratic practice.  相似文献   
109.
Since the turn of the century, resourceful entrepreneurs have advertised a wide variety of purportedly simple and painless cures for cancer, including liniments of turpentine, mustard, oil, eggs, and ammonia; peat moss; arrangements of colored floodlamps; pastes made from glycerine and limburger cheese . . . [T]his historical experience does suggest why Congress could reasonably have determined to protect the terminally ill, no less than other patients, from the vast range of self-styled panaceas that inventive minds can devise. [Individuals have] the right to be treated by a health care practitioner with any medical treatment (including a treatment that is not approved, certified, or licensed by the Secretary of Health and Human Services) that such individual desires or the legal representative of such individual desires. The makers of our Constitution undertook to secure conditions favorable to the pursuit of happiness. They recognized the significance of man's spiritual nature, of his feelings and of his intellect. They knew that only a part of the pain, pleasure and satisfactions of life are to be found in material things. They sought to protect Americans in their beliefs, their thoughts, their emotions and their sensations. They conferred, as against the Government, the right to be left alone--the most comprehensive of rights and the right most valued by civilized men.  相似文献   
110.
Sexual behaviors and attitudes of female adolescents were studied as a function of age of boyfriend. Boyfriend's age was dichotomized: similar-aged was defined as within 2 years of the girls' age; older aged was 3 or more years older than the girl. A school-based, ethnically diverse sample of 9th-grade girls (N = 146) who had been in a serious romantic relationship was surveyed on 5 dimensions of sexual attitudes, 2 classes of sexual motives, 7 normative sexual behaviors, and 3 types of risky sexual practices. Results showed that in terms of behavior, girls with older boyfriends were more likely than girls with similar-aged boyfriends to engage in all forms of sexual intimacy, to have sex under the influence of alcohol or drugs, and to experience sexual coercion. In terms of sexual attitudes, girls with older boyfriends were more likely to endorse beliefs that guys are sexually driven, that sex just happens and is spontaneous, and that sex is related to maturity. These results are discussed in terms of a potential power differential that emerges when girls date older boys.  相似文献   
设为首页 | 免责声明 | 关于勤云 | 加入收藏

Copyright©北京勤云科技发展有限公司  京ICP备09084417号