全文获取类型
收费全文 | 1959篇 |
免费 | 65篇 |
专业分类
各国政治 | 186篇 |
工人农民 | 83篇 |
世界政治 | 243篇 |
外交国际关系 | 166篇 |
法律 | 786篇 |
中国政治 | 24篇 |
政治理论 | 526篇 |
综合类 | 10篇 |
出版年
2023年 | 8篇 |
2022年 | 6篇 |
2021年 | 7篇 |
2020年 | 25篇 |
2019年 | 35篇 |
2018年 | 49篇 |
2017年 | 59篇 |
2016年 | 60篇 |
2015年 | 40篇 |
2014年 | 54篇 |
2013年 | 352篇 |
2012年 | 39篇 |
2011年 | 62篇 |
2010年 | 50篇 |
2009年 | 73篇 |
2008年 | 58篇 |
2007年 | 63篇 |
2006年 | 60篇 |
2005年 | 51篇 |
2004年 | 82篇 |
2003年 | 52篇 |
2002年 | 52篇 |
2001年 | 38篇 |
2000年 | 43篇 |
1999年 | 33篇 |
1998年 | 44篇 |
1997年 | 42篇 |
1996年 | 29篇 |
1995年 | 38篇 |
1994年 | 37篇 |
1993年 | 46篇 |
1992年 | 26篇 |
1991年 | 25篇 |
1990年 | 28篇 |
1989年 | 25篇 |
1988年 | 26篇 |
1987年 | 28篇 |
1986年 | 20篇 |
1985年 | 23篇 |
1984年 | 19篇 |
1983年 | 16篇 |
1982年 | 9篇 |
1981年 | 15篇 |
1980年 | 17篇 |
1979年 | 8篇 |
1977年 | 10篇 |
1976年 | 8篇 |
1975年 | 4篇 |
1974年 | 4篇 |
1973年 | 6篇 |
排序方式: 共有2024条查询结果,搜索用时 31 毫秒
51.
This paper considers the contracting approach to centralbanking in a simple common agency model. We suggest thatcentral banker contracts that do not consider the possibilityof more than one principal existing are incomplete contracts.Such incomplete contracts can be a poor form ofmonetary policy delegation under common agency. We develop amodel with two principals – society (government) and ageneric interest group, whose objective conflicts withsociety’s ex ante preferences by incorporating an inflationarybias. We determine when the government-offered orinterest-group-offered contract dominates the central banker’sdecision. The results largely depend on whether theinterest-group-offered contract is written in terms of outputor inflation. 相似文献
52.
53.
Steven C. Roach 《Human Rights Review》2004,6(1):91-105
Conclusion This article analyzed Otto’s Bauer idea of the nation and assessed its meaning and significance qua liberal nationalism and the expansion of national minority rights in Europe. It argued that Bauer's formulation of the same
rights for all minorities exposed certain limitations of multicultural theory, namely the failure of liberal multicultural
theorists to adequately address the consequences of special minority rights and the potentially transformative role of labor
in liberal societies that necessarily seek to be inclusive.
Further, Bauer's idea of cultural autonomy raised important and relevant implications for advancing national minority rights
in Europe. In particular, his initiative exposed possible ways to promote the social of cultural rights of EU Charter on Fundamental
Rights. Given this and the EU's commitment to labor rights, it is curious that Bauer’s theory has not received the attention
it deserves. Indeed, even if Bauer's ideas prove somewhat non-conventional by liberal standards, it is still important that
we see his ideas as serving some elemental purpose in linking the advancement of national values and sentiment with the EU
goal of integration. 相似文献
54.
55.
Although sharing institutions for over seventy years, and transition pathways from communism, the two successor states of the former Czechoslovakia have faced distinct challenges in state-building and divergent economic fortunes. The aim of this paper is to investigate the extent to which these differing social economic problems have influenced the ideological bases of party politics and mass electoral behaviour in the two societies. Using data from national samples of the population of each country conducted in the spring of 1994, our analysis points to the existence of distinct issue cleavages dominating party competition in the two states: in the Czech Republic, partisanship relates mainly to issues of distribution and attitudes towards the West; in Slovakia, by contrast, these issues are only secondarily important in shaping voters' choice of party, while the main focus concerns the ethnic rights of Hungarians. The distinctive nature of the issue bases to politics in the two countries suggests one reason for the greater degree of political conflict evident in Slovak politics since the split and, more generally, provides evidence of the role of social conditions in shaping new political systems. 相似文献
56.
57.
58.
Steven C. Roach 《Political studies》2005,53(1):143-161
This article assesses the various disagreements between Arab and western states that surfaced at the 1998 Rome Conference and Preparatory Commission. It also discusses the relationship between state repression and cultural adaptation by examining the undeveloped domestic criminal systems of Arab states and the ambiguous role played by shariah (Islamic law) in the constitutions of many of them. It argues two main points: that more mutual accommodation will be needed to resolve these and future conflicts between Islamic and international law; and that such conflicts between the ICC and Arab states expose the need for further cultural adaptation to the ICC Statute. It is out of this process of cultural adaptation that the relationship between Islam and serious international crimes will evolve. 相似文献
59.
Stephen D. Parsons 《Political studies》2005,53(3):641-649
McDermott rejects the argument that an individual, in receiving benefits from a political community, thus incurs a 'fair-play obligation' to contribute to the provision of these benefits. While acknowledging that an individual receiving benefits without contributing is 'free riding' and that free riding may be morally wrong, McDermott denies that such moral lapses entail communities having any right to demand support. Not contributing may be morally objectionable, but individuals may still have a right not to contribute. However, both proponents and opponents of the fair-play obligation claim do not sufficiently differentiate between different forms of free riding. Arguments tend to be based on rights that may or may not be invoked when individuals free ride through consuming externalities. However, this form of free riding does not entail any reciprocal obligations. Yet it can plausibly be argued that when free riding occurs in the case of the production of public goods, then communities can demand support from individuals, and can have a right to do so. 相似文献
60.