On the Public Choice Critique of Welfare Economics

The public choice literature urges the welfare economist toanticipate how political forces will shape the levels of newpolicy instruments when government intervenes in a new way.This paper argues that the welfare economist should alsorecognize that new interventions may impact the politicallydetermined levels of existing policy instruments. It shows howthe introduction of a new instrument can lead to shifts inpolitical coalitions or compromises in existing areas ofconflict that can produce significant changes in existingpolicies. Such spillover effects can provide new arguments forintroducing particular policy interventions. Even a policyinstrument without an obvious welfare economic rationale canchange voter coalitions and shift the policy equilibrium in awelfare improving direction.     

Incremental validity of MMPI and MMPI-2 clinical scales in detecting malingering

The efficacy of the F scale and F-K index in detecting faking of a mental illness was investigated for both the MMPI and MMPI-2. A total of 72 undergraduate students completed the MMPI and 74 completed the MMPI-2 after receiving instructions to feign severe mental illness. Student responses were analyzed against MMPI (n=180) and MMPI-2 (n=76) data obtained from psychiatric inpatients diagnosed with severe mental illnesses. Multiple regression analysis of the validity scales and F-K index indicate that the F scale is the best predictor of malingering both for the MMPI (r=64) and MMPI-2 (r=.74) and the two samples combined (r=.71). The Si and D scales accounted for statistically significant, yet small, amounts of incremental validity. The presence of a “sawtooth” pattern did not add any incremental validity. Though an F scale cut-off score of T>109 resulted in an 85.9% classification accuracy rate, it appears that categorizing scores into one of five ranges results in better classification accuracy than a single cut-off score.     

Identifying the Source of Mystery Waterborne Oil Spills—A Case for Quantitative Chemical Fingerprinting

Oil spills of unknown origin, so-called “mystery” spills, occur routinely in rivers, open water, and navigable coastal waterways. The natural resources damage (NRD) liability associated with even a small volume of oil released into the environment warrants that a thorough chemical characterization of the spilled oil be conducted by agencies and potentially responsible parties (PRPs). Chemical fingerprinting methods have played an important role in the identification of mystery oil spills. These methods fall into two categories, viz., qualitative and quantitative. The qualitative approach relies upon visual comparison of various chromatographic fingerprints obtained by GC/FID and GC/MS analysis of spill and candidate source oils and are represented ASTM methods. The quantitative approach relies upon measurements of the concentrations (relative or absolute) of dozens of diagnostic chemicals, typically PAHs and biomarkers, and a subsequent statistical or numerical analysis of various diagnostic parameters calculated from these concentrations. The quantitative approach is represented by the revised Nordtest methodology. The quantitative approach is preferable for most oil spill investigations since the means of interpretation are objective, whereas the ASTM methods are subjective. Quantitative fingerprinting data are particularly important when the mystery spill and source oils are qualitatively similar and are required when mystery spills may include mixed sources or prespill oil signatures.     

Understanding the effects of religious attendance on political participation among ethnic minorities of different religions

In the United States, active church membership among ethnic and racial minorities has been linked to higher political participation. In Europe, the influence of religious attendance on political mobilisation of ethnic minorities has so far been little explored, despite the heated public debate about the public role of religion and particularly Islam. This study uses the 2010 Ethnic Minority British Election Study to theorise the relationship between religious attendance and political participation of ethnic minorities in a European context and extend existing theories to non‐Christian minority religions. The article shows that despite a significantly different context in which religion's place in political life is more contentious, regular religious attendance increases political participation rates of ethnic minorities. Some possible explanatory mechanisms are tested and an important distinction is introduced between those mechanisms that mediate, and those that moderate the impact of religion. The study finds that British minority churches and places of worships vary in how willing and effective they are in politically motivating their worshippers, and concludes that this relates to the political salience of certain religions within the United Kingdom context.     

No News Is News: Nonignorable Nonresponse in Roll‐Call Data Analysis

Roll‐call votes are widely employed to infer the ideological proclivities of legislators. However, many roll‐call matrices are characterized by high levels of nonresponse. Under many circumstances, nonresponse cannot be assumed to be ignorable. We examine the consequences of violating the ignorability assumption that underlies current methods of roll‐call analysis. We present a basic estimation framework to model nonresponse and vote choice concurrently, build a model that captures the logic of competing principals that underlies accounts of nonresponse in many legislatures, and illustrate the payoff of addressing nonignorable nonresponse through both simulated and real data. We conclude that modeling presumed patterns of nonignorable nonresponse can yield important inferential payoffs over current models that assume random missingness, but we also emphasize that the decision to model nonresponse should be based on theoretical grounds since one cannot rely on measures of goodness of fit for the purpose of model comparison.     

Reclaiming Politics: Popular Democracy in Britain after the Scottish Referendum

Referendums are often criticised for being elite‐controlled and undeliberative. This article argues that the detailed, multiactor regulation of the Scottish referendum resulted in an elaborate legal regime which helped to overcome these potential pathologies, diluting executive control and facilitating an exercise in national public engagement. It addresses the troubled history of referendum use in the UK and contends that the Scottish process may well transform how referendums are now viewed. Indeed, one outcome of the Scottish process is likely to be a greater demand at UK level for the use of direct democracy in processes of significant constitutional change. It is by no means certain, however, that these demands for greater popular engagement in the process of constitutional change will be met, particularly when we consider the Smith Commission process, which marks a return to elite interparty bargaining.