Economic performance and political mobility: Chinese provincial leaders

Chinese provincial leaders, unlike their counterparts in a democratic system, are not elected but selected. Hence the criteria by which the center uses to select and retain provincial leaders would be critical for the political mobility of provincial leaders. As China has been a developmental state since 1949, it is not unreasonable to expect that the center would retain or promote or demote provincial leaders according to the economic performance of their provinces. To test the hypothesis, I conducted multinomial regressions with a data set of Chinese provincial leaders between 1949 and 1994 in thirty provincial units. As the results show, the political mobility of provincial leaders is determined not only by the political movements of the PRC but also by the economic performance of the provincial leaders. The worse the economic performance record the more likely the provincial leader will be demoted. Moreover, the revenue contributions of the province during the provincial leader's tenure are also a determinant of the political mobility of the provincial leader.     

No Values—New Values? Youth and Postmaterialism1

This article deals with the postmatenalist hypothesis, originally formulated by Ronald Inglehart The hypothesis, stating that new generations in Western societies are moving more and more towards postmatenalist value orientations, is questioned on the grounds that the materialisl / postmaterialist dichotomy may he too rigid to capture the complexity of people's value orientations, and that the value conceptualization may hold a rather limited relevance for young people in present-day Western societies. A reconstruction of the materialist / postmaterialist value conceptualization is earned out and empirical results from two Swedish national studies, supporting the author's questioning of the original hypothesis, are presented.     

凯旋时分——第五次赴朝慰问团东线分团慰问活动侧记

从朝鲜战争开始到$&'(年,中央人民政府先后组织五次大型赴朝慰问团。$&'(年初,在第五次,也是最后一次赴朝慰问活动中,我作为团省委办公室主任,非常荣幸地成为辽宁省唯一的代表参加了慰问团。$&'"年,我在中央团校学习期间,响应党组织号召,报名参加了志愿军,先被分配到志愿军后勤汽车营,后来到驻扎在沈阳的东北空军司令部作战处任参谋,具体负责东北各机场的警卫工作。$&')年初,朝鲜停战,当年在中央团校参军的东北地区的青年干部全部留在东北,我也告别了朝夕相处的空军战友,来到地方工作。作为一名志愿军战士,我未能亲临前线作…     

构建中央与地方合理分权体制

进入新世纪,完善社会主义市场经济体制、积极推进民主政治建设和全面建设小康社会,迫切需要进一步调整中央与地方关系,构建中央与地方合理分权体制,即在横向合理分权的基础上,依法明确划分中央与地方的职责权限,非依法不得随意变更和调整。     

从黑格尔到马克思:世界历史理论的发展与嬗变

通过对黑格尔和马克思世界历史理论的分析、考察和比较,可以发现黑格尔的世界历史理论对马克思产生了很大的影响。马克思继承了黑格尔世界历史理论的合理内核,但同时,马克思依据近代资本主义的历史现实,站在无产阶级的立场,在唯物史观的基础上对黑格尔的世界历史理论进行了革命性的变革,赋予世界历史理论以新的内容,从而使世界历史理论第一次真正变成了科学。     

Sweden: The Fall of the Strong State

From the 1930s to the 1980s, Swedish politics was based on the assumption that social change could be accomplished through a specific political and administrative process. National politicians decided the aims of policy, government commissions of inquiry engaged experts who compiled available knowledge, Parliament turned the resulting proposal into law, a civil service agency implemented the policy and local authorities put it into effect. This rationalistic model of social steering can be called 'the strong state'. This article documents the fall of the strong state. It also argues that these changes to the output side of government have troubling im-plications for the operation of democracy. The reason is that the strong state model provided citizens with a reasonably clear idea of how public policies were – or should be – produced and implemented. As a result of the strong state's decline, the link from elections to policy is partly obscure, partly broken. The question for the future is whether the strong state will be replaced by some new model that provides the necessary focal points for debates on public policy, or whether stable norms will remain absent due to an inherently obscure division of labour within Sweden's policy-making and administrative structures.     

社会结构变迁中的政府职能转变与"职能悖论"

政府职能转变是中国社会经济结构变迁与全球化经济新秩序的内在需要。作为上层建筑的政府体制总是嵌入于一定的社会结构之中,动态地随社会结构变迁而变迁。本文将政府职能转变置于社会经济结构转型背景之中,对政府职能转变与“职能悖论”进行深层利益剖析,以探析新时期政府职能转变的动力机制、阻力机制与发展路径。     

关于性骚扰立法的几点思考--兼评《妇女权益保障法》相关条款

本文就中国性骚扰立法提出浅见。首先须准确界定性骚扰的概念,将公众场所性骚扰、女性对男性性骚扰、同性间性骚扰和非受雇性骚扰纳入性骚扰范畴;其次坚持以反性别歧视法为主的立法路径,明确雇主责任;最后应综合运用公法和私法手段,形成反性骚扰的法律体系。     

确立检察机关拘留权之构想

拘留权是决定和执行拘留的权力。根据我国现行刑事诉讼法的有关规定,拘留统一由公安机关来执行,检察机关只有对自行侦查的案件在特定情况下的拘留决定权,而没有拘留执行权。这就使检察机关在侦查实践中处于相当被动和尴尬的境地,影响了侦查程序的顺利进行,进而影响了诉讼的效益。应当尽快赋予检察机关一个完整而又名副其实的拘留权。     

社会主义荣辱观教育与青少年成长——论艰苦奋斗精神的继承与发展

社会主义荣辱观中的“艰苦奋斗精神”,既继承了中华民族传统美德的精华,并赋予其深刻的时代内涵,又充分体现了现代人的崇高追求和高尚境界,是社会主义伦理观、道德观和价值观的精确提炼和生动体现。社会主义荣辱观中的“艰苦奋斗精神”作为一种精神价值,在不同的时代,内容和形式虽然有所变化,但它绝不会消失。我们要教育和引导青少年继承和发扬艰苦奋斗的光荣传统,为社会多作贡献。