Modification of Housing Mobility Experimental Effects on Delinquency and Educational Problems: Middle Adolescence as a Sensitive Period

Residential mobility is one documented stressor contributing to higher delinquency and worse educational outcomes. Sensitive period life course models suggest that certain developmental stages make individuals more susceptible to the effects of an exposure, like residential mobility, on outcomes. However, most prior research is observational, and has not examined heterogeneity across age or gender that may inform sensitive periods, even though it may have important implications for the etiology of adolescent development. Moreover, there are important translational implications for identifying the groups most vulnerable to residential mobility to inform how to buffer adverse effects of moving. In this study, low-income families were randomized to residential mobility out of public housing into lower poverty neighborhoods using a rental subsidy voucher (“experimental voucher condition”), and were compared to control families remaining in public housing. The sample was comprised of 2829 youth (51% female; 62% Non-Hispanic Black, 31% Hispanic, 7% other race). At baseline, youth ranged from 5 to 16 years old. This study hypothesized that random assignment to the housing voucher condition would generate harmful effects on delinquency and educational problems, compared to the control group, among boys who were older at baseline. The results confirmed this hypothesis: random assignment to the experimental voucher condition generating residential mobility caused higher delinquency among boys who were 13–16 years old at baseline, compared to same-age, in-place public housing controls. However, residential mobility did not affect delinquency among girls regardless of age, or among boys who were 5–12 years old at baseline. The pattern of results for educational problems was similar but weaker. Families with teenage boys are particularly vulnerable to residential transitions. Incorporating additional supports into housing programs may help low-income, urban families to successfully transition to lower poverty neighborhoods.     

Niche parties in Latin America

Niche parties, which have been defined as focusing on a narrow range of issues their competitors neglect, are a phenomenon that has so far been described and analysed primarily in Western Europe. In this paper, we extend existing work by examining the presence and nature of niche parties in Latin America. Using the expert survey data collected by [Wiesehomeier, N., and K. Benoit. 2009. “President, Parties, and Policy Competition.” The Journal of Politics 71: 1435–1447], we show that there are niche parties in most Latin American party systems. Two kinds of niche party, traditionalist and postmaterialist, predominate. We also show that niche parties, despite being defined based on issue-based characteristics, are in fact less programmatic in their linkage strategies than mainstream competitors. Instead, niche parties are slightly more likely to draw on charismatic strategies and tend to establish strong organizational links to ethnic and religious organizations. Niche parties in Latin America are primarily vehicles for the mobilization of group interests. These findings have implications for our understanding of political representation in new democracies and niche party strategies more generally.     

China and Northeast Asia’s Regional Security Architecture: The Six-Party Talks as a Case of Chinese Regime-Building?

China, as host of the six-party talks first convened in August 2003, has been one of the major players in dealing with the North Korean nuclear crisis that began in October 2002. China??s role in the talks has helped to start shaping a stable regional security architecture in Northeast Asia. Beijing??s leadership in building a new security regime in the region suggests a change on Chinese perspectives regarding its role within the broader East Asia??s regional security architecture. After years of passiveness with regards to involvement in security regime building in the region, China has evolved into an active leader seeking to shape a more institutionalized security. Despite the obstacles to building a functioning regime in Northeast Asia, China seems poised to continue working towards creation of a more stable and institutionalized security architecture.     

The impact of aboriginal land claims and self-government on Canadian municipalities

Abstract: Local governments in Canada are directly affected by federal and provincial initiatives regarding land claims and aboriginal self-government. Land claims result in new lands being created within or near urban centres, which are owned or controlled by First Nations, either as reserves under the Indian Act or as some form of “settlement land” created by a land-claims agreement. First Nations seek to not only own these lands, but also govern them. The overall jurisdiction of First Nations is still being defined. However, First Nations already have jurisdiction over local affairs on their own land. That jurisdiction is in key areas such as land use. As a result, as soon as First Nations lands are created within or adjacent to an urban centre, the local urban government must deal with a separate First Nation jurisdiction. The issues that these neighbouring jurisdictions need to resolve include compatibility of laws and enforcement of laws, tax-loss compensation and delivery of and payment for local services. There is little or no precedent for how this should be accomplished. The one common denominator that has emerged is that First Nations and urban councils, which enjoy a good working relationship, have all developed ways of dealing directly with each other on issues of mutual concern. Sommaire: Les initiatives fédérales et provinciales relatives aux revendications territoriales et au gouvemement autochtone ont une influence directe sur les gouvemements locaux au Canada. Les revendications territoriales mènent à la création, dans ou près des centres urbains, de nouveaw territoires détenus ou contrôlés par des Premières nations, soit en tant que réserves en vertu de la Loi sur les Indiens, soit come «terres conférées par l'entente». à la suite de revendications. Les Premières nations cherchent non seulement à poséder ces terres mais aussi à les gouverner. La juridiction & ensemble des Premières nations en est encore au stade de la définition. Cependant, c'est déjàà elles qu'incombe la competence des affaires locales surleurs propres terres. Cette juridiction comprend des domaines clés tels que I'utilisation des terres. Par conséquent, dès la création d'un territoire des Premières nations dans un centre urbain ou près de celui-ci, le gouvernement urbain local doit traiter avec une juridiction séparée relevant de la Première nation en cause. Parmi les questions que ces territoires adjacents doivent régler figurent la compatibilité des lois et l'application des lois, la compensation pour perte de taxes, la prestation des services locaux et le paiement de leurs coûts. Or, il n'y a pratiquement pas de précédent pour savoir comment s'y prendre. Le seul dénominateur commun qu'on ait pu relever est que les Premieres nations et les conseils urbains qui jouissent de bons rapports de travail ont tous trouvé le moyen de collaborer sur les questions d'intérêt mutuel.