The Commonwealth(s)--inter- and non-state--at the start of the twenty-first century: Contributions to global development and governance

The official and unofficial Commonwealths have rarely been treated as inter- or non-state organisations, partnerships or epistemic communities contributing to global development and governance. This article seeks to rectify this oversight, especially in an emerging world 'order' characterised by unilateralism rather than multilateralism. After more than a half-century, both types of (interrelated) Commonwealth communities have emerged as invaluable, albeit second-order, adjuncts to global institutions, civil societies and private corporations. Their undramatic yet helpful characteristics as established, empathetic networks may be more needed to advance global development and governance in the new century than in recent decades, with implications for both analysis and practice, approaches and policies.     

Africa's Quest for Developmental States: ‘renaissance’ for whom?

After a generally disappointing half-century since recapturing formal independence, at the turn of the second decade of the 21st century, Africa(s) may now be able to seize unanticipated emerging opportunities to move from `fragile' or `failed' towards `developmental' political economies. The continent displays innovations in terms of sources of finance, new regionalisms & transnational governance leading to distinctive insights for analysis & policy, both state & non-state. Its potential for renaissance is reinforced by South Africa's accession as the fifth of the BRICS at the dawn of the decade.     

American Atrocity Revisited: National Identity,Cascading Frames,and the My Lai Massacre

This study draws on the “cascading activation” model of press-state relations to explore U.S. political and news discourse surrounding the 1968 My Lai Massacre. We systematically analyze White House, military, congressional, and news communications and draw upon scholarship in social psychology to assess why the press might challenge certain frames in response to My Lai but indiscriminately echo others. In particular, within these communications, we examine how serious and widespread the actions at My Lai were conveyed to be, how the circumstances were portrayed, how the actors involved in the incident were characterized, and the extent to which America’s core values were questioned. Our findings suggest that the Nixon administration employed frames designed to downplay the severity of the My Lai incident, highlight extenuating circumstances faced by those directly involved, denigrate the alleged low-level perpetrators, and bolster the national identity. These frames were then largely echoed in the press, despite consistent and forceful challenges by congressional Democrats. These findings, we argue, align with the cascading activation model, and we build on it by highlighting the underlying importance of “cultural resonance” in the framing process. We reflect on the theoretical and practical implications of these patterns and, in doing so, engage the broader scholarly debate over the process through which U.S. news coverage aligns with the communications of government officials, particularly in moments of national dissonance.     

Carbon democracy

Abstract

States that depend upon oil revenues appear to be less democratic than other states. Yet oil presents a much larger problem for democracy: faced with the threats of oil depletion and catastrophic climate change, the democratic machineries that emerged to govern the age of carbon energy seem to be unable to address the processes that may end it. This article explores these multiple dimensions of carbon democracy, by examining the intersecting histories of coal, oil and democracy in the twentieth century. Following closely the methods by which fossil fuels were produced, distributed and converted into other forms of socio-technical organization, financial circulation and political power, the article traces ways in which the concentration and control of energy flows could open up democratic possibilities or close them down; how connections were engineered in the post-war period between the flow of oil and the flows of international finance, on which democratic stability was thought to depend; how these same circulations made possible the emergence of the economy and its unlimited growth as the main object of democratic politics; and how the relations among forms of energy, finance, economic knowledge, democracy and violence were transformed in the 1967–74 oil–dollar Middle East crises.     

Using Organizational Collaboration and Community Partnerships to Transition Families from Homelessness to Home Ownership: The HomeBuy5 Program

For more than a decade, the HomeBuy5 Program has successfully helped families who were homeless find an apartment, while working with them to develop a plan to move from homelessness to homeownership. This article provides an historical overview of how the program developed and evolved, a detailed discussion of the program's process and structure, the role of organizational collaboration and community partners, and demographic information on the families that have been served. It is argued that this program can be a prototype for other communities as they increase their efforts to eliminate homelessness.     

Adjudication and the Law

It can be compatible with justice and the rule of law for acourt to impose new legal liabilities retrospectively on a defendant.But judges do not need to distinguish between imposing a newliability, and giving effect to a liability that the defendanthad at the time of the events in dispute. The distinction isto be drawn by asking which of the court's reasons for decisionthe institutions of the legal system had already committed thecourts to act upon, before the time of decision. I explain theseconclusions through an assessment of the last episode in thedebate between H.L.A.Hart and Ronald Dworkin.     

Terrorist Finance: Asking the Right Questions

An emerging critical literature from within and outside academia argues that existing understandings of the financing of terrorism are at best severely dysfunctional, and at worst malignantly so. This article argues that at the root of this dysfunction is a failure to ask the 'right' questions about terrorist financing. The right questions, the article finds, are only tangentially related to the supposed mystery of 'who finances and how they do it', and instead revolve around, first, specifying how financial activity influences terrorist behaviour and, second, assessing what such activity tells us about the place terrorists truly occupy in today's global system.     

法治不可能性辨析

没有哪个共同体已经完全实现了“法治”理想。对这一理想的内涵的困惑 ,似乎使得这一理想必然遥不可及 (亦即一个“含糊不清的理想”)。法律体系必定包括一些模糊的法律 ,它们典型地允许着法律中的权变 ,典型地支持着许多无法审查的官方决定 ,并且从来就不会对一个共同体生活的每一方面都加以详尽规范。法治理想似乎永远无法实现 ,正是由法律实践活动的这些特征决定的。在这里 ,我要追问的是 ,究竟是什么造成了法治中的“欠缺”( deficit) ;我将证明 :法律实践活动的这些特征并不一定导致“法治欠缺”的产生。我的结论是 ,共同体之所以不能实现法治 ,仅仅是因为政府对法治信仰的不忠 ,以及立法者没有真心追求法治理想 (或者说 ,他们制定的规则没有追求法治 )。法治并非必然难以实现。