“党指挥枪”:全面抗战初期军队党的建设

全面抗战初期,为了适应全民族抗战的需要,中国共产党广泛发展抗日武装。随着中国共产党领导的抗日武装力量规模的不断扩大,军队党组织建设出现了相对滞后的问题。这主要表现在军队中党组织没有普遍建立起来、军队党员的比例相对较低、对党员的思想教育严重不足、党员思想认识不足甚至党性丧失等方面。中国共产党通过在军队中尤其是新发展的军队中普遍建立党的组织系统、着力加强军队党员的政治教育、恢复并巩固政治委员制度等方式全面加强了军队党的建设,总结出了从组织上、制度上、思想上加强党的建设和贯彻党指挥枪根本原则的宝贵经验。     

拨乱反正相互尊重合作共赢--在“对话合作,管控分歧一推动中美关系重回正轨”蓝厅论坛开幕式上的致辞

各位嘉宾,各位朋友:大家好!中国新春佳节之际,中美各界有识之士在蓝厅交流互动.共商两国关系的未来,具有重要意义。首先,我谨代表中国外交部,向各位长期关心支持中美关系的朋友们致以新春的祝福!冬去春来,季节的变换启示我们,再寒冷的冬天也会过去,希望的春天总会到来。面对全球疫情、经济衰退、气候变化这样前所未有的共同挑战,人类社会不应丧失信心,而应展现勇气、团结和责任。中美作为两个大国,首先应做好自己的事情,同时也要为人类共同利益开展合作,这是国际社会的期盼,也是大国应有的担当。     

刑事诉讼制度改革中的“底限正义”——对中国刑事诉讼制度改革理路的质评

我国刑事诉讼法修改在即,但是关于刑事诉讼制度改革我们始终缺乏一种方法论上的指引。“底限正义”理论是一种指导刑事诉讼制度改革的有效方法和策略,它一方面认可人类社会存在着最低限度的正义要求,从而为以法律移植为主要内容的我国刑事诉讼制度改革提供了理论依据;另一方面又承认正义的相对性和多元性,承认法律制度移植的可选择性,从而为我国当前刑事诉讼制度改革提供了微观操作步骤。同时,“底限正义”理论对我国刑事诉讼法学研究的深入拓展也有着重要的借鉴意义。     

中国传统信任结构及其对现代法治的影响

中国传统信任结构的总体特征是“儒法并存,以儒为主”。其中儒家信任结构重亲疏之别,以互惠原则为基础;法家信任结构重公私之分,以赏罚机制为基础。中国传统信任结构既与传统法制互动,也对现代法治有深刻影响。     

上海某区非正常死亡统计学分析

按国际疾病标准分类法对1995-2004年间某区居民非正常死亡资料进行统计学分析。结果显示1995-2004年间年均非正常死亡率为4.6!(4.9!～4.5!),80岁以上组人群非正常死亡率最高;女性高于男性,为男性的1.03～1.36倍;意外跌落、交通事故、自杀为引起非正常死亡的前3位原因。表明非正常死亡已经成为严重影响某区居民健康、生命质量的主要因素,是目前较为重要的社会问题,应引起足够重视。     

Conductive Activism: Anti-Sweatshop Campaigns across Hong Kong and Mainland China

This study looks at trans-border, anti-sweatshop campaigns and the transformation of cross-border activism between Hong Kong and mainland China. Examining two cases, it demonstrates the mechanism and processes of trans-border, anti-sweatshop campaigns and networks involving non-governmental agencies, student groups and workers. The study suggests that anti-sweatshop activism has been conductive and transferrable from Hong Kong to China in a way that has mobilised local civil society power, cultivated mainland activists and nurtured localised pro-labour activism. With Hong Kong activists acting as movement conveyers and mainland activists acting as adapters, anti-sweatshop activism has evolved. Once centred on marketplaces and consumers, it is now centred on production sites, and has moved domestic actors (including workers, students, scholars, media and consumers) from the margins to the centre. Anti-sweatshop activism has moulded itself to local contexts by rebuilding its strategies and tactics while coalescing with overseas networks to integrate strengths across the Hong Kong-Chinese border. Although the anti-sweatshop movement in China has its weaknesses, its evolution has the potential to gradually alter the power asymmetries between domestic and overseas activists.