Theories of redistribution inspired by the Downsian model receive little support from empirical investigation. In this article I argue that one of the possible explanations is that the standard Downsian theory, and the empirical specifications derived from it, ignore electoral turnout. Empirical evidence consistently shows that higher-income citizens are more likely to vote; office-seeking candidates should therefore include this probability in their objective function. As a consequence, the pivotal voter is not the median in the income distribution, but is generally richer. Moreover, an increase in income inequality does not unambiguously increase the political demand for redistribution, as most literature takes for granted. Including turnout in the model restores the compatibility of the Downsian theory with current empirical evidence. A regression analysis on panel data for 41 countries in the period 1972–98 confirms the importance of turnout as an explanatory variable for social spending. 相似文献
Maximum security correctional officers play a crucial role in the establishment of order within their respective institutions of employment, yet they are also exposed to numerous occupational dangers that can threaten their general welfare. When they perceive high levels of injurious risk from workplace hazards, this cannot only jeopardize their job performance but lead to a poorly managed prison institution. Currently though, few studies have explored correctional officer perceptions of workplace dangers and risks, and even fewer have explored the factors that influence officer perceived risk of injury. Questionnaire data from a statewide population of maximum security correctional officers (N?=?649) were gathered in order to examine officer perceived risk of injury from workplace dangers, and the antecedents to this judgment. Results illustrated how officers perceived a high degree of injurious risk from their work, and that their risk perceptions were largely a product of psychological features of dangers. Theoretical and policy implications are discussed. 相似文献
This paper studies the determinants of MPs?? expense claims and of their attendance at Parliamentary meetings. Using a multiple regression framework, we correlate the expenses with three sets of variables: constituency characteristics, political variables, and individual characteristics. We then look at the ratio of parliamentary expenses claimed to votes cast in Parliament as a crude measure of value for money. This take on the data provides a somewhat benign view of the usage of expense claims. We use the results to reflect on two views of the motivation of MPs??the public choice view and the public service view. 相似文献
Illicitly produced heroin is commonly cut with carbohydrates to increase bulk. The analysis of these solutes is important for legal and intelligence purposes. A capillary electrophoresis (CE) method was developed for the qualitative analysis of dextrose, lactose, sucrose, inositol, and mannitol in heroin exhibits. For this method, a 64 cm (55.5 cm to detector window) by 50 mum capillary was used with the Agilent Basic Anion Buffer modified to pH 12.1. This separation was performed at 25 degrees C with a voltage of 20 kV and indirect detection with 2,6-pyridinedicarboxylic acid as the visualization reagent. The methodology is also applicable for the screening of inorganic and organic anions using indirect detection, and acidic adulterants using direct detection. For a run time of 13 min, the relative standard deviation (n = 6) of the methodology was better than 0.36% for migration times and less than 2.6% for corrected peak areas. For the analysis of carbohydrates and acidic adulterants in seized heroin, excellent agreement was obtained between CE and nuclear magnetic resonance spectroscopy. 相似文献
Political behavior is triggered by the presence of a variety of material and cognitive resources, including political efficacy.
The dominant view conceptualizes efficacy as capital, used to overcome obstacles to participation. Our theory suggests that
unlike other resources, efficacy aids in the development of habitual participation by activating a particular negative emotion,
anger. Using the 1990–1992 NES Panel, we find that internal efficacy boosts participation in part by facilitating anger, but
not fear, in response to policy threats. This partial mediating effect operates primarily among younger citizens who are in
the process of developing the habit of participation. External efficacy, because it is not self-referential, is not causally
linked to participation via emotions. Finally, internal efficacy is enhanced by successful participation in politics, closing
a feedback loop that helps explain participatory habits.
A growing body of work suggests that exposure to subtle racial cues prompts white voters to penalize black candidates, and
that the effects of these cues may influence outcomes indirectly via perceptions of candidate ideology. We test hypotheses
related to these ideas using two experiments based on national samples. In one experiment, we manipulated the race of a candidate
(Barack Obama vs. John Edwards) accused of sexual impropriety. We found that while both candidates suffered from the accusation,
the scandal led respondents to view Obama as more liberal than Edwards, especially among resentful and engaged whites. Second,
overall evaluations of Obama declined more sharply than for Edwards. In the other experiment, we manipulated the explicitness
of the scandal, and found that implicit cues were more damaging for Obama than explicit ones. 相似文献
The incorporation of reference DNA is crucial to the validation of any DNA typing protocol. This paper aims to provide a panel of reference DNAs for actual forensic profiling strategies, i.e. autosomal and gonosomal STR typing as well as mtDNA sequencing. We have characterised three human lymphoid cell lines, GM9947, GM9948 and GM3657, and considered 58 autosomal and gonosomal microsatellites as well as the mitochondrial control region sequence. Well-established markers and STRs recently developed for forensic use were involved. K562 DNA samples which we purchased from two different suppliers were also analysed. They revealed conflicting results with regard to the ChrX STR marker genotype. Hence, we suggest that K562 is no longer used for the calibration of profiling techniques. Our investigation establishes a panel of one female and two male DNA samples as an STR allelic ladder calibration tool and offers information on six alleles of each autosome (AS) marker, three alleles of each X chromosome (ChrX) marker and two alleles of each ChrY marker. In addition, sequences of the mitochondrial control region of the three DNAs are communicated in order to provide sequencing quality control. 相似文献
This study investigates political communication as a mediator of the socializing effects of major political events. We earlier found that presidential campaigns are occasions for increased crystallization of partisan attitudes among adolescents (Sears and Valentino, 1997). But what drives the socialization process during the campaign? Either the campaign saturates the media environment with political information, socializing all adolescents roughly equally, or greater individual exposure to political information is necessary for significant socialization gains during the campaign. The analyses utilize a three-wave panel study of preadults and their parents during and after the 1980 presidential campaign. Here we find that adolescents exposed to higher levels of political communication experience the largest socialization gains, that the socializing effects of political communication are limited to the campaign season, and that communication boosts socialization only in attitude domains most relevant to the campaign. We conclude that both a high salience event at the aggregate level and high individual levels of communication about the event are necessary to maximize socialization gains.
We examine whether and how elite discourse shapes mass opinion and action on immigration policy. One popular but untested suspicion is that reactions to news about the costs of immigration depend upon who the immigrants are. We confirm this suspicion in a nationally representative experiment: news about the costs of immigration boosts white opposition far more when Latino immigrants, rather than European immigrants, are featured. We find these group cues influence opinion and political action by triggering emotions—in particular, anxiety—not simply by changing beliefs about the severity of the immigration problem. A second experiment replicates these findings but also confirms their sensitivity to the stereotypic consistency of group cues and their context. While these results echo recent insights about the power of anxiety, they also suggest the public is susceptible to error and manipulation when group cues trigger anxiety independently of the actual threat posed by the group. 相似文献