From philanthropy to corporate social responsibility in Guatemala: assessing shifts through Alianzas

Latin American firms are moving from narrow philanthropy to broader engagement with development priorities. We examine this shift with data from Alianzas, a development programme promoting private contributions to health and education in Guatemala. We use Solomon's (2010) dimensions of proliferation, professionalisation, and partnering to compare firms' pre-Alianzas efforts with programme activities. Both firms with established and new philanthropic programmes engaged with Alianzas (proliferation). Most participants were willing to steer efforts towards public priorities (professionalisation) and collaborate with government (partnering). Given chronic underfunding of health and education priorities in Guatemala, we suggest that private contributions to public programmes be institutionalised.

De la philanthropie à la responsabilité sociale des entreprises au Guatemala : évaluer les changements obtenus à travers les Alianzas

Les entreprises latino-américaines sont en passe de s'éloigner de la philanthropie étroite et choisissent plutôt une approche large du travail sur les priorités de développement. Nous examinons cette évolution à partir de données émanant des Alianzas, un programme de développement qui favorise les contributions privées à la santé et à l'éducation au Guatemala. Nous employons les dimensions de Solomon (2010) de prolifération, professionnalisation et établissement de partenariats pour comparer les efforts des entreprises pré-Alianzas aux activités de programme. Des entreprises dotées de programmes philanthropiques établis ainsi que nouveaux ont collaboré avec des Alianzas (prolifération). La plupart des participants étaient disposés à orienter les efforts vers les priorités publiques (professionnalisation) et à collaborer avec le gouvernement (établissement de partenariats). Étant donné le sous-financement chronique des priorités en matière de santé et d'éducation au Guatemala, nous proposons que les contributions privées aux programmes publics soient institutionnalisées.

De filantropia à responsabilidade social corporativa na Guatemala: avaliando mudanças através do programa Alianzas

Empresas latino-americanas estão mudando de filantropia limitada para engajamento mais amplo com prioridades de desenvolvimento. Examinamos esta mudança com dados do Alianzas, um programa de desenvolvimento que promove contribuições privadas para a saúde e educação na Guatemala. Utilizamos as dimensões de Solomon (2010) de proliferação, profissionalização e parceria para comparar os esforços das empresas pré-Alianzas com atividades do programa. Tanto as empresas com programas filantrópicos estabelecidos quanto as empresas com programas filantrópicos novos engajaram-se com a Alianzas (proliferação). A maioria dos participantes desejava dirigir esforços para prioridades públicas (profissionalização) e colaborar com o governo (parceria). Tendo em vista o baixo investimento crônico nas prioridades da saúde e educação na Guatemala, sugerimos que contribuições privadas para programas públicos sejam institucionalizadas.

De la filantropía a la responsabilidad social corporativa en Guatemala: cómo se evalúan los cambios a través de Alianzas

Las empresas latinoamericanas están abandonando sus prácticas exclusivamente filantrópicas para asumir un mayor compromiso con las prioridades del desarrollo. Los autores analizan esta transición a través de la información obtenida de Alianzas, un programa de desarrollo que promueve el financiamiento privado en las áreas de salud y educación en Guatemala. Utilizan las categorías de Solomon (2010) –difusión, profesionalización y construcción de acuerdos– para comparar las actividades de las empresas antes y después de participar en el programa Alianzas. En el programa Alianzas participaron tanto las empresas con experiencia en actividades filantrópicas como las que no la tenían (difusión). La mayoría de las empresas que participaron encaminó sus esfuerzos hacia las prioridades públicas (profesionalización) y hacia la colaboración con el gobierno (construcción de acuerdos). Dada la escasez crónica de financiamiento para la salud y la educación en Guatemala, los autores sugieren que se institucionalicen las donaciones privadas para los programas públicos.     

A Two-Dimensional Approach to the Political Opportunity Structure of Extreme Right Parties in Western Europe

Previous studies on the electoral fortunes of extreme right parties (ERPs) have pointed to the importance of variables of party competition for the success – or failure – of ERPs. These studies vary greatly when it comes to describing the political opportunity structure of the extreme right. Apart from their methodological differences, existing studies differ especially with regard to the assumed underlying dimension of party competition. This article tests the impact of three frequently discussed variables in the political opportunity structure of ERPs (mainstream party convergence, position of the established right and party system polarisation) on the vote share of ERPs in Western Europe. In addition to examining previous studies in this field, it focuses on the interplay between the economic and the cultural dimensions as part of the political opportunity structure. The authors show that a decrease in polarisation with regard to economic questions is accompanied by a growing salience of ERPs' core issues, leading in the end to an increase in ERPs' vote share.     

The Effects of détente on the two German states

In non-presidential systems the head of state is either a monarch or a president elected directly by the voters or by an assembly. The political powers of heads of state in non-presidential systems vary from being powerful to being just a symbolic figure of representation and integration. In response to the disastrous experience of the Weimar Republic, in the Federal Republic the choice fell on the latter with the result that the political powers of the President were significantly reduced. Hence, his role is usually described as largely ceremonial and representative and he is expected to be a figure of integration rather than divisiveness. However, the role of the President of the Federal Republic of Germany seems to have changed significantly under the Presidency of Horst Köhler who appears to have made considerable use of his powers and decisively exercised his role as one of the veto players of the German political system. This article examines to what extent the German Presidency has indeed undergone an increased politicisation under Horst Köhler since 2004.     

Protest Actions against the European Union, 1992–2007

In spite of the enormous amount of attention devoted to the process of European integration, the study of protest actions that take the European Union as their target is only incipient and suffers from a lack of up-to-date systematic information. This research note presents new data on protests in the member states which, directly or indirectly, targeted the Union between 1992 and 2007. These data show that the increase in protest mobilisation anticipated by previous scholars has not taken place and that the advances in formal European integration have not been matched by any corresponding increase in protests targeting the EU.     

Notes on contributors

Abstract

In his article for this issue of Economy and Society, Narayanan (2008 Narayanan, S. 2008. On the stalling of the Malaysian industrialization project. Economy and Society, 37(4): 595–601. [Taylor &; Francis Online], [Web of Science ®] , [Google Scholar]) presents a critique of our earlier work on Malaysian industrialization (Henderson &; Phillips 2007). Narayanan's objections are entirely empirical and they take the form of suggesting that had we looked at the ‘right’ data or ‘properly’ interpreted the data we provide, we would have seen that our hypothesis that Malaysia's industrialization project was ‘stalling’ was either wrong, or, if plausible, was unproven. In this response, we show that Narayanan is largely mistaken in his critique. While his contribution contains errors of interpretation, we argue that he is mistaken predominantly because he has misunderstood the methodological basis of our analysis. Specifically, he has failed to grasp our theoretical object and thus has been unable to identify the appropriate empirical terrain for assessing its significance and condition.     

From the headscarf to the burqa: the role of social theorists in shaping laws against the veil

Abstract

Opposition to the burqa is widespread in Europe but not in the United States. What explains the difference? Focusing primarily on the French case and its Belgian facsimile, we seek to underscore the role of social theorists in legitimizing bans on the full veil. Ironically, this role has been largely disregarded by Anglophone theorists who write on the veil, and who often oppose its prohibition. This article suggests that Europe tends to be more repressive towards full veils because its political process is more open to multiple theoretical representations of the phenomenon of veiling. Conversely, the United States is more open to the provocative display of religious symbols in public because the political process is pre-structured by legal conventions that tend to filter out social theory. The push to ban the burqa in France principally derives from its brand of republicanism rather than being a product of racism and Islamophobia. Of particular significance in the French case is the emphasis on reciprocity as a political principle, a principle that is elongated into an ideal of sociability by French theorists in different disciplines. The arguments of these theorists are described, their rationale is explained and the impact of their intervention on the policy process is documented. The French case, where the popular press and legislature play a major role in shaping policy towards the burqa, is contrasted with that of the United States, where the judiciary, defending religious freedom, remains the most influential collective actor. Each country has correspondingly different attitudes to democracy. In France, the mission of democracy is to extend political equality to the social realm whereas in the United States it is religion that is prioritized so as to protect that which is deemed most sacred to the individual.     

Age,Period and Cohort Effects in the Decline of Party Identification in Germany: An Analysis of a Two Decade Panel Study in Germany (1992–2009)

Party identification traditionally is seen as an important linkage mechanism, connecting voters to the party system. Previous analyses have suggested that the level of party identity is in decline in Germany, and this article first expands previous observations with more recent data. These suggest that the erosion of party identity continues up to the present time. An age–period–cohort analysis of the panel data of the SOEP panel suggests that period effects are significantly negative. Furthermore, it can be observed that throughout the 1992–2009 observation period, education level and political interest have become more important determinants of party identity. Contrary to some of the literature, therefore, it can be shown that the loss of party identity is concentrated among groups with lower levels of political sophistication, indicating that the socio-economic profile of the group with a sense of party identification has become more distinct compared to the population as a whole. In the discussion, we investigate the theoretical and democratic consequences of this trend.     

Exposing Politicians’ Peccadilloes in Comparative Context: Explaining the Frequency of Political Sex Scandals in Eight Democracies Using Fuzzy Set Qualitative Comparative Analysis

Political sex scandals are largely absent in some democracies but proliferate in others. However, there have so far been few if any comprehensive attempts to document the actual number of sex scandals that have occurred and to explain their presence (and, indeed, absence), and the one study that has (Barker's 1994 study) ended in the early 1990s and had numerous problems in relation to defining and documenting such scandals. Based on extensive research, this article documents the number of sex scandals in eight advanced industrial democracies and tries to explain their occurrence using Charles Ragin's fuzzy set qualitative comparative analysis. The article has three goals: to determine the number of sex scandals in different democracies, explain why this might be, and demonstrate the utility of fuzzy set qualitative case analysis for small- and medium-N comparative research.