全文获取类型
收费全文 | 164篇 |
免费 | 16篇 |
专业分类
各国政治 | 28篇 |
工人农民 | 2篇 |
世界政治 | 29篇 |
外交国际关系 | 10篇 |
法律 | 59篇 |
政治理论 | 49篇 |
综合类 | 3篇 |
出版年
2024年 | 1篇 |
2023年 | 2篇 |
2022年 | 2篇 |
2021年 | 7篇 |
2020年 | 10篇 |
2019年 | 8篇 |
2018年 | 5篇 |
2017年 | 14篇 |
2016年 | 7篇 |
2015年 | 11篇 |
2014年 | 11篇 |
2013年 | 27篇 |
2012年 | 18篇 |
2011年 | 11篇 |
2010年 | 7篇 |
2009年 | 4篇 |
2008年 | 9篇 |
2007年 | 4篇 |
2006年 | 4篇 |
2005年 | 6篇 |
2004年 | 1篇 |
2003年 | 3篇 |
2002年 | 3篇 |
2001年 | 1篇 |
2000年 | 1篇 |
1997年 | 1篇 |
1993年 | 1篇 |
1980年 | 1篇 |
排序方式: 共有180条查询结果,搜索用时 15 毫秒
31.
BERTIL DUNÉR 《Terrorism and Political Violence》2013,25(1-2):89-104
ABSTRACT International human rights NGOs have warned that human rights have been threatened since September 11. However, the matter is complicated since what is involved is in reality a relationship between two concepts: human rights and security against terrorism. This article demonstrates that there is a tendency for international human rights NGOs to brush aside questions on security against terrorism. NGOs have stipulated that human rights values should be superior, or they have maintained, but failed to show, that there is no goal conflict between security and human rights—even that human rights fulfil a considerable instrumental function with respect to freedom from terrorism. 相似文献
32.
33.
RENÉ GIRARD 《新观察季刊》2013,30(4):59-64
Going through a protracted period of transition since the end of the Cold War, the world order in the making is neither what was nor what it is yet to become. It is in “the middle of the future.” To get our bearings in this uncertain transition, we explore the two grand post‐Cold War narratives—“The End of History” as posited by Francis Fukuyama and “The Clash of Civilizations” posited by the late Samuel Huntington. Mikhail Gorbachev looks back at his policies that brought the old order to collapse. The British philosopher John Gray critiques the supposed “universality” of liberalism and, with Homi Bhabha, sees a world of hybrid identities and localized cultures. The Singaporean theorist Kishore Mahbubani peels away the “veneer” of Western dominance. Amartya Sen, the economist and Nobel laureate, assesses whether democratic India or autocratic China is better at building “human capacity” in their societies. 相似文献
34.
Metropolitan regions have become one of the most appropriate scales to define efficient governance networks for economic and territorial development. The state still is the key actor of these partnerships. Yet the question remains whether cross-border metropolitan regions represent a new point of reference that puts state power in question or whether they only reorganize it. The centrality of state power will be examined by looking at two networks of actors (public transport and territorial marketing) working at the Eurometropolis Lille–Kortrijk–Tournai. The results reveal that a triple-faceted state power has emerged to define and organize cross-border metropolitan management. 相似文献
35.
Coral Luce M.S. Shawn Montpetit M.S. David Gangitano Ph.D. Patrick O’Donnell Ph.D. 《Journal of forensic sciences》2009,54(5):1046-1054
Abstract: The AmpF?STR® MiniFilerTM PCR Amplification Kit is designed to genotype degraded and/or inhibited DNA samples when the AmpF?STR® IdentifilerTM PCR Amplification Kit is incapable of generating a complete genetic profile. Validation experiments, following the SWGDAM guidelines, were designed to evaluate the performance of MiniFiler. Data obtained demonstrated that MiniFiler, when used in conjunction with Identifiler, provided an increased ability to obtain genetic profiles from challenged samples. The optimum template range was found to be between 0.2 and 0.6 ng, with 0.3 ng yielding the best results. Full concordance was achieved between the MiniFiler kit and Identifiler kit except in a single case of a null allele at locus D21S11. Numerous instances of severe heterozygous peak imbalance (<50%) were observed in single source samples amplified within the optimum range of input DNA suggesting that caution be taken when attempting to deduce component genotypes in a mixture. 相似文献
36.
Étienne Charbonneau Geneviève Morin Itizez Slama Fatou Bèye 《Canadian public administration. Administration publique du Canada》2020,63(3):409-428
For about twenty years, Public Administration scholars have used the data from the Public Service Employee Survey (PSES) for their research. Two studies evaluated the uses of data, measurement models and internal validity of the U.S. government’s Federal Employee Viewpoint Survey (FEVS), and none on the use of PSES data. The article reviews studies that used Canadian PSES data to promote social science research and seeks to stimulate discussion of PSES's future and opportunities for strategic human resources research in Canada. [The table most useful for researchers is available here in English: Table 3. Aggregation of PSES Elements Assigned to Theoretical Constructs.] 相似文献
37.
Tom Long SebastiÁn Bitar Gabriel JimÉnez-PeÑa 《Bulletin of Latin American research》2020,39(4):466-482
The study of Colombian foreign policy emphasises external constraints and presidential prerogative in foreign policymaking. Drawing on insights from recent foreign policy analysis literature and evidence from several cases (Plan Colombia, US military bases, free trade talks with China, and ICJ arbitration of a maritime border with Nicaragua), this article challenges commonplace presidentialist assumptions. A novel model of ‘contested presidentialism’ better captures how Colombian domestic actors mobilise to raise political costs to block or modify presidential preferences. When the opposition fails to raise costs, presidentialist assumptions apply. Otherwise, presidents respond strategically by abandoning policies or substituting second-best alternatives. 相似文献
38.
39.
Roy Gava Frédéric Varone André Mach Steven Eichenberger Julien Christe Corinne Chao‐Blanco 《Swiss Political Science Review》2017,23(1):77-94
This research note presents an innovative dataset of Swiss MPs’ interest ties between 2000‐2011. The longitudinal analysis shows that the average number of interest ties per MP has more than doubled: from 3.5 in 2000 to 7.6 in 2011. Since the mid‐2000s, public interest groups have accounted for approximately one out of two ties between MPs and interest groups, showing the strongest increase during the period. However, when looking at the most present individual groups, important business groups dominate and appear well connected with the governmental parties of the political right. Finally, interest groups are also able to forge themselves a strategic presence within the parliamentary committees that are the most relevant for their policy issues. Next research steps include the assessment of the (un)biased access of interest groups to the parliamentary venue and their policy influence. 相似文献
40.