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131.
Andreas Th. Müller 《Journal für Rechtspolitik》2010,18(4):246-264
Der IGH fügt sich nicht ohne Weiteres in den Reigen der Verfassungsgerichte ein. Deshalb ist es hier nicht wie bei nationalen Verfassungsgerichten und mittlerweile wohl auch bei EuGH und EGMR möglich, direct zur Tagesordnung der Analyse der Verfassungsrechtsprechung und der Praxis der Verfassungsvergleichung überzugehen. Vielmehr ist vorab zu klären, ob der IGH überhaupt in einem mehr als metaphorischen Sinne als Verfassungsgericht angesprochen werden kann. Dies verlangt zunächst die Beantwortung der Frage, ob und inwieweit es "Verfassung" im Völkerrecht gibt. Bejahendenfalls ist zu untersuchen, in welchem Sinne der IGH diesbezüglich als Verfassungsgericht agiert. Die Existenz einer Völkerrechtsverfassung ist nämlich notwendige, aber nicht hinreichende Bedingung für die Etablierung des IGH als Verfassungsgericht. Der vorliegende Beitrag sucht diese Klärungen in mehreren Schritten herbeizuführen. Es wird sich zeigen, dass der IGH gewisse typische verfassungsgerichtliche Funktionen erfüllt. Ob damit die kritische Masse zur Adelung als Verfassungsgericht erreicht wird, ist zum gegenwärtigen Zeitpunkt jedoch zu bezweifeln. 相似文献
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133.
JAVIER BELTRAN AINA GALLEGO ALBA HUIDOBRO ENRIQUE ROMERO LLUÍS PADRÓ 《European Journal of Political Research》2021,60(1):239-251
How does the language of male and female politicians differ when they communicate directly with the public on social media? Do citizens address them differently? We apply Lasso logistic regression models to identify the linguistic features that most differentiate the language used by or addressed to male and female Spanish politicians. Male politicians use more words related to politics, sports, ideology and infrastructure, while female politicians talk about gender and social affairs. The choice of emojis varies greatly across genders. In a novel analysis of tweets written by citizens, we find evidence of gender-specific insults, and note that mentions of physical appearance and infantilising words are disproportionately found in text addressed to female politicians. The results suggest that politicians conform to gender stereotypes online and reveal ways in which citizens treat politicians differently depending on their gender. 相似文献
134.
To become an economic developed country, every country needs to look for its trade and commerce because it is one of the most prominent factors. Hence, the present study is an endeavor to highlight "India's Look East Policy and its northeastern states". The methodology adopted here is mainly based on secondary data and information, the sources of which have been compiled from different national and international journals and related books, etc.. India's involvement in the enterprises of ASEAN (Association of South East Asian Nations) for economic corporation was initiated in the year 1991 with the function of "Look East Policy". ASEAN countries have emerged as significant entities among India's most dynamic trade partners. Undoubtedly, north-east India has the potential to become gateway to the east, which can help trade and commerce with ASEAN countries to flourish. 相似文献
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136.
Newspaper Coverage of Three Presidential Campaigns in Chile: Personalisation and Political Strategies
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WILLIAM PORATH JOSÉ‐JOAQUÍN SUZUKI TANIA‐MARIE RAMDOHR JUAN‐CRISTÓBAL PORTALES 《Bulletin of Latin American research》2015,34(4):451-466
We investigate the evolution of political campaign coverage through a content analysis of the topics highlighted in newspapers' agendas during three presidential elections in Chile. Results show an expected increase in the space allocated to the politicians' private lives (privatisation) by 2009, but no change in the attention given to individual politicians' political traits (political competence). Coverage of candidates' campaign strategies had increased markedly in media agendas by 1999, and by 2009 in politicians' agendas. These changes are consistent with some of the recent transformations of political communication in Western democracies, within the framework of the so‐called ‘mediatisation’ of politics. 相似文献
137.
Robert Ó’MÓchain 《Peace Review》2018,30(4):563-570
In an earlier “Peace Profile,” Patrick Cannon provides a comprehensive account of the life of Roger Casement, a person who identified with the Irish nationalist community, in spite of the fact that he was raised in an Ulster, Protestant family and worked as a representative of British imperialism during the Victorian and Edwardian eras. It was his experiences as a British counsel in the Congo Free State and in the Putumayo region of Peru that convinced Casement that imperialism had, in fact, systematically oppressed native peoples and perpetrated horrendous human rights atrocities. His official reports to the British government helped to end abuses by the representatives of King Leopold II in the Congo and by officials of the Peruvian Amazon company in Peru. This significant work for humanitarian causes prompted Cannon to suggest that Casement should be regarded as an exemplar for peace activists and humanitarians everywhere. 相似文献
138.
MIKLÓS SEBŐK ATTILA HORVÁTH ÁGNES M. BALÁZS 《European Journal of Political Research》2019,58(2):741-768
This article investigates the impact of electoral reforms on entry barriers in political markets. The discussion starts by delineating the theoretical boundaries of various political markets, such as those for participation, parties and government. By taking a cue from industrial organisation theory, the article offers an analysis of entry barriers, both hard and soft, along with their operationalisation for empirical research. Based on this theoretical framework, a single hypothesis is investigated. It posits that the modification of the entry barriers in the market for parties leads to changes in the concentration of the popular vote for party lists. An observable implication of this relationship would be if an electoral reform that raises entry barriers led to subsequent increases in the Herfindahl index (a measure of market concentration), and vice versa. This proposition is empirically tested by a comparative analysis of a new database covering Czechia, Hungary, Poland and Slovakia. The analysis offers support for the following proposition: in most cases the changes in the entry barriers led to a corresponding change of concentration in the market for parties. 相似文献
139.
This article explores the changing relationship between the public and voluntary sectors. In 2007, a local government reform reduced the number of Danish municipalities from 271 to 98 and assigned new tasks to these. Consequently, the reform resulted in major local political and administrative changes, thereby giving a unique opportunity to examine how institutional changes affect the voluntary sector. Based on data from qualitative case studies and two questionnaire surveys (2004 and 2010) the article examines how the local government reform affects the relationship between the two sectors. The findings indicate that the political and administrative changes in the local political system have influenced municipality collaboration, contact and interaction with local associations. While some associations experience a decline in personal contact, there is an increase in formalization of the relationship and an increased degree of collaboration between the voluntary and public sectors. 相似文献
140.
SIMÓN PEDRO IZCARA PALACIOS 《Bulletin of Latin American research》2015,34(3):324-339
This article, based on a qualitative methodology that includes in‐depth interviews with 85 migrant‐smugglers who operate at the border between Mexico and the United States, addresses three research questions: do migrant‐smugglers take part in organised crime? Are criminal groups involved in migrant smuggling? And are migrant‐smugglers engaged in drug trafficking? It concludes that many smugglers have become part of organised crime groups but only after leaving the migrant‐smuggling business; that criminal organisations do not help migrants to cross the border; and that migrant‐smugglers do not carry drugs. 相似文献