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ABSTRACTUnprecedented levels of displacement make the return of refugees and internally displaced populations a critical challenge, with post-conflict minority return especially complex. This article investigates the return process in Kosovo to identify what supports and hinders sustainability. For nearly two decades the Government of Kosovo and international partners have supported the return of minorities displaced during the 1998–1999 conflict and March 2004 riots. We draw on interviews with all major stakeholder groups in return programming and on indicative survey data from 499 returnees. Using a framework adapted from Black, Koser and Munk (‘Understanding Voluntary Return’), we focus on the Kosovo return process in recent years. The survey results indicate some sustainability but high differentiation in returnees’ satisfaction. This warrants concern, as differences in returnee perspectives run along already conflictual ethnic and spatial fault lines. In post-conflict settings, sustainable return and reintegration require more than the provision of services – they require nuanced understanding of how the shadow of conflict shapes returnee experiences. Finally, we question the orthodoxy of return discourse and highlight critical factors to support sustainable return elsewhere. 相似文献
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CHRISTOPH MÖLLERS 《Ratio juris》2011,24(3):247-266
Modern democratic polities regularly operate at several political levels. In the case of the EU at the level of the member‐states and the EU itself, and in addition at federal, regional, and municipal levels. Is there any democratic rule to determine which level is more legitimate than the others? The article argues that from a majoritarian perspective there is none. Individual citizens may have quite different preferences with regard to the level that is of particular political importance for them. The article critically analyses different concepts, from sovereignty to demos, subsidiarity, and the judicial review of competences, and tries to show that none of them can provide a solution to the dilemma. Instead, democratic theory has to assume that in the co‐evolutionary process of institutions and societies at different political levels, the question of the final say has to be left open. 相似文献
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Nikos Christofis Bahar Baser Ahmet Erdi Öztürk 《The international spectator : a quarterly journal of the Istituto affari internazionali》2013,48(2):67-86
ABSTRACTTurkey’s recent slide into authoritarianism will have implications for its close neighbours in the West. Especially Greece cannot avoid negative spill-over effects. A coalition government comprising Syriza and Independent Greeks does not have an unconstrained set of policy choices in responding to this. Maintaining effective working relations is a paramount interest but achieving this is easier in principle than in practice especially considering the issues of asylum seekers and Turkish revisionism on the Lausanne Treaty. Unlike the two parties that dominated the Greek political scene after 1974, PASOK and New Democracy, the current government has little experience navigating choppy diplomatic seas with Turkey. 相似文献
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随着改革开放的深入,我国社会经济成分、组织形式、就业方式、利益关系和分配方式日益多样化。人们思想活动的独立性、选择性、多变性、差异性明显增加。这就使我国现存的人民内部矛盾日益呈现出多变性和复杂性的特点,成为由诸多矛盾构成的复杂系统。正确处理新形势下的人民内部矛盾,妥善协调各方利益关系,是构建社会主义和谐社会的重要任务之一。落实科学发展观,实现经济社会协调发展,是正确处理人民内部矛盾的治本之策。任何矛盾、任何问题只有通过发展才能解决。发展应当是经济、社会和人的全面发展。因此,在坚持以经济建设为中心的同时,… 相似文献
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SAMUEL P. HUNTINGTON ANWAR IBRAHIM SHEIKH SAUD NASSER AL‐SABBAH MOHAMAD MAHATHIR MOHAMAD KHATAMI MASOUMEH EBTEKAR ABDULLAHI AHMED AN'NA'IM HASSAN AL‐TURABI GABER ASFOUR MICHAEL M. J. FISCHER NILÜFER GÖLE MARTIN MARTY FARIDA FAOUZIA CHARFI LESZEK KOLAKOWSKI MUNAWAR AHMED ANEES DANIEL J. BOORSTIN RYSZARD KAPUSCINSKI IMMANUEL WALLERSTEIN JEAN DANIEL REGIS DEBRAY MAHMOUD HUSSEIN TAHAR BEN JELLOUN KANAN MAKIYA 《新观察季刊》2008,25(1):14-17
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NILUFER GÖLE 《新观察季刊》2008,25(2):35-37
The drama between the secularist legacy of Ataturk and the popular surge of Islamist‐rooted politics continues in Turkey, centered on the debate over the headscarf. Is it a sign of religious reaction, or a sign of non‐Western modernization that will ensure higher education for Muslim women? We represent here all sides of the debate. Elsewhere in the Muslim world are the reformers and critics listening to each other, or impeding progress with a blame game? Europe's most controversial figures in this debate—Ayaan Hirsi Ali and Tariq Ramadan—engage here. 相似文献