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41.
我国目前的法治反映了一种特定的平等观。这种平等观在强调人与人平等的同时,也强调了人与国家的不平等。这种平等观是近代以来盛行中国的民族主义的产物。我国法治放弃传统的以私权限制公权的方式界定国家与个人之间界限的模式,而以公权确定私权的方式取而代之,体现了民族主义的精神。在与自由主义法治相比较的前提下,我们可以将中国的法治称为民族主义的法治。随着社会的发展,我国法治将逐渐由目前的体现民族主义精神的依公法治国转变为依民法治国。  相似文献   
42.
十二世纪初,骁勇的女真民族以武立国后,对社会治安的管理逐渐系统化,确立了社会治安秩序管理、市场经济秩序治安管理、户籍管理、交通安全管理、消防管理等专项治安管理制度,为维护政权的稳定和社会的发展起到强大的推动作用,在中国古代治安史上具有十分鲜明时代和民族特色,对今天的社会治安管理也具有一定的借鉴意义。  相似文献   
43.
社会保障权是一项重要的基本人权,鉴于宪法在保障人权方面的重要意义,以宪法确认社会保障权的基本权利地位已成为一个世界趋势。本文试图通过对各国宪法确认社会保障权的不同方式、内容、形式的比较研究,对完善我国社会保障权的宪法规范提供借鉴。一、社会保障权宪法确认的方式  相似文献   
44.
The article examines epistemic emotions as part of the emotive-cognitive processes of prosecutors’ knowledge seeking and decision making in preliminary investigation and court proceedings. Drawing on ethnographic fieldwork, interviews, and shadowing of prosecutors in Sweden, we show how emotions motivate and orient prosecutors’ inquiries and the fundamental role of the ‘certainty–doubt spiral’ for ‘doing objectivity’. In conclusion, we discuss the centrality of emotions for conscientious and well-considered decisions in legal work. The study contributes to the field of law and emotion by exploring the epistemic quality of emotions, notably the certainty–doubt spiral, in legal work.  相似文献   
45.
Few political parties are willing to lead the public debate on how the European Union should develop and parties rarely publicly discuss issues on the EU agenda. This is probably one of the most important democratic problems in the contemporary EU. When and why parties are willing (or not willing) to discuss European cooperation is therefore an essential issue in which political science should engage. Previous research has shown that parties that are internally divided on EU issues downplay these issues in order to avoid internal disputes. At the same time, parties that have severe intraparty conflicts over the issue are unable to contain the debate. Thus, parties that are unified in their position on EU issues and parties that are heavily split speak about the EU, but others do not. Also, earlier research has shown that political parties downplay issues in response to internal divisions among their supporters. It is argued in this article that the focus should not be solely on intraparty conflict or whether or not a party's voters are hesitant or disunited, but rather on how these factors interact in order to better understand how parties act strategically regarding EU issues. Using a new dataset that relies on quantitative content analysis of quality newspapers during the national election campaigns in the period 1983–2010 in France, Germany, the United Kingdom and Sweden, it is found that parties that have a high degree of internal dissent on European issues, while at the same time having an equally divided electorate, are the parties that are most present in the public debate. Hence, it is the interaction between these two important factors that explains much of the variation in the amount of attention paid to European issues in national election campaigns.  相似文献   
46.
In this article, I argue that kin states can play major roles in international mediation processes involving their kin communities. Although kin states may be naturally biased toward their kin, kin states are sometimes actively involved in mediation processes and such involvement is even encouraged by third‐party mediators. In this study, I divide the various roles assumed by kin states in mediation into four main conceptual categories: promoter, quasi‐mediator, powerbroker, and enforcer. My analysis presumes that a kin state can use its close ties with its kin community to make third‐party mediation more successful. I support and illustrate this model using cases of kin‐state involvement in peace processes and examine both the benefits and complications that kin‐state mediation can entail. This study contributes to scholarship examining the effectiveness of biased mediators. I conclude that the role a kin state assumes in a mediation is often context‐dependent, but that third‐party mediators and the international community can use their leverage over kin states to improve the peace process.  相似文献   
47.
The aim of our study was to investigate the postmortem levels of glucose and glycogen in hepatic, renal, muscle, and brain tissues and then examine the changes in those levels that could be useful for estimating postmortem interval. We established an animal model. Seventy female BALB/c albino mice were used in this study. After being sacrificed, the mice were randomly divided into six groups according to time elapsed since death (Group 1: 0 h; Group 2: 12 h; Group 3: 24 h; Group 4: 36 h; Group 5: 48 h; and Group 6: 60 h). Glucose levels were significantly different between groups for all tissues studied. Slope of the change per unit time was higher for the hepatic glucose levels. Based on these results, it is possible to estimate postmortem interval using postmortem glucose levels in hepatic tissue. Tissue‐specific assessment may contribute valuable information to postmortem interval studies.  相似文献   
48.
思想政治教育工作是一门党性强、艺术性强、理论水平高的科学,是一门塑造人类灵魂的高尚艺术。因此,教育者本身应具有坚定的政治立场、远大的理想和高尚的情操;应具有良好的思想意识、道德水平和理论修养。作为思想政治教育工作者,尤其是学校学生思想政治教育工作者,应全面提升自身的综合素质,把握新时期思想政治工作的时代特征,有的放矢并卓有成效地开展工作。  相似文献   
49.
全球治理:模式比较与现实选择   总被引:9,自引:0,他引:9  
全球治理理论是应对全球化思潮而出现的一种新兴理论,其中,对各种行为主体在全球治理中具有代表性的行为模式的分析,成为理解全球化背景下全球治理实现的可能性及有效性的关键。文章认为,在全球治理中,各种行为体依据自身不同特性,以不同的治理模式参与到全球治理中,国家中心治理、有限领域治理、网络治理是其中具有代表性的治理模式,而多元多层合作治理模式是各种行为主体参与全球治理的最具有效性的治理模式。  相似文献   
50.
生命关怀:道德教育的基本价值诉求   总被引:2,自引:0,他引:2  
在科学理性的主宰下,道德教育被工具化与功利化,严重脱离"生活世界",遮蔽了道德教育的生命关怀.我们应努力使道德教育回归"生活世界",使"敬畏生命"成为道德教育的核心内容,促进生命价值与意义的体悟与实现,追求生命本真的存在与超越,实现道德教育生命关怀的基本价值诉求.  相似文献   
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