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71.
In the run-up to South Africa's first non-racial election in 1994, extremist right-wing organizations, and their sympathizers in the state security forces, posed a real danger to the country's future democratic order. After 1994, violent, right-wing extremist activities virtually dissipated. However, during a single night in late 2002, eight bomb blasts rocked Soweto, South Africa's largest black township. An unknown organization, Boeremag (Boer force/power), claimed responsibility for the bombings. Some two dozen alleged Boeremag members, including serving military officers, were subsequently arrested and charged with terrorism-related offenses. The Boeremag makes an interesting case study of how the extreme white right in South Africa mixes politics and religion, and seeks to exploit popular grievances to garner support for the creation of a secessionist Afrikaner state. The South African white right does not have the resources, capacity, or support to successfully execute a coup d'état. The Boeremag serves as a reminder, however, that the extreme right can create instability and destruction on a significant scale in South Africa.  相似文献   
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For 500 years the West was on the rise, culminating in Globalizaiton 1.0—the open system of trade, information flows and the spread of technology on the terms and in the image of the West. The benefits of that system over the last 30 years have led to the rise of the emerging economies. As a result we are entering the new era of Globalization 2.0 characterized by new forms of non‐Western modernity and the interdependence of plural identities. The advent of this new era has been hastened by the fiscal and financial crisis in Europe and the United States. Turkey, with its Islamic‐oriented democracy that has become a template for the liberated peoples of the Arab Spring, and China, with its effective neo‐Confucian form of governance, are the most sharply defined new players in this multi‐polar and multi‐dimensional world. In this section, one of Turkey's most insightful sociologists examines the post‐secular transformation of that nation. One of China's more provocative philosophers proposes a hybrid model that combines what has been learned from the experience of Western and Chinese governance in a way that “enhances democracy” in both systems.  相似文献   
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Lü YP  Xia WT  Chu RY  Zhou XT  Dai JH  Zhou H 《法医学杂志》2011,27(2):94-97
目的 探究近视者最佳矫正视力(best corrected visual acuity,BCVA)与屈光参数等相关指标之间的相关性.方法 选取2274例(4245眼)不同程度近视者,检测近视者的BCVA和球镜屈光度(diopter ofspherical,DS)、柱镜屈光度(diopter of cylinder,DC...  相似文献   
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沈阳市某医院盗取病人骨髓事件所折射出的身体权问题,值得人们进行深入思考。西方学者对身体权问题的探讨,对我国身体权立法有一定的启发,有助于法律对身体权予以更有力、更全面的保护。即使我们不能将身体权直接规定为一种特殊的财产权,但至少应当也可以明确身体权的所有权性质,而不是仅仅将其规定为一种人格权。盗窃骨髓事件应该成为医疗行业在职业道德方面的一面镜子。医生不仅必须依法行医,而且还应当有较强的职业道德观念。医生应当充分尊重患者的权利,始终以患者为目的,而不是仅把患者当作谋取私利或小团体利益的手段。  相似文献   
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This article will discuss the contribution of Rod Rhodes to the research on networks. I will focus on networks as a typology of state/society relations and as a particular form of governance. It is not only here that Rhodes has left his deepest mark; most research on networks still falls in one of the two sub‐fields. The typology of policy networks, which he developed with David Marsh more than 15 years ago, has become a classic and still forms a major reference point for studies on public policy‐making. Rhodes also pioneered the concept of network governance in the study of British politics to capture the profound changes in the Westminister model since the late 1970s. Regarding more recent developments, Rhodes has been among the first to discuss the reflexivity of networks, introducing some postmodernist thinking into public administration research. Finally, Rhodes has helped advance the ‘ethnographic turn’ in network studies.  相似文献   
78.
大学生毕业实习存在问题分析   总被引:1,自引:0,他引:1  
毕业实习是大学生学习进程中必备的课程,但在这个进程中存在一个值得关注的问题:挑剔对待毕业实习。笔者通过有关的调查,在此基础上分析了大学生挑剔对待毕业实习的原因,其中有大学生自身的因素,家长的"护犊"情结,学校的教育以及接收大学生毕业实习的单位等因素。从而找出了解决大学生挑剔对待毕业实习的一些方法,为完善大学生毕业实习工作提出点滴对策。  相似文献   
79.
This article studies the proliferation of discourses of rationality and responsibility among a particular elite social group in Lebanon and Turkey, as they remember student mobilization of their past. I offer these episodes of student mobilization as acts of citizenship that create and make use of rapturous moments in the histories of their countries and institutions. I extend these acts of citizenship to the contemporary context and study the ways in which they become part of discourses of citizenship in unexpected ways. I propose that these narratives draw upon a set of local practices that reflect meanings of citizenship, originating from Western discourses of liberalism, albeit following a different route. In the narratives, violence and irrationality become the defining features of politicized behavior, whereas being civilized epitomizes good manners and rationality. Such boundary-drawing exercises contribute to making conceivable exclusionary social orders based on the idea of a hierarchical distribution of reason and social utility.  相似文献   
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