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41.
42.
Stephen O. A. Ouma 《公共行政管理与发展》1991,11(5):473-490
This paper argues that corruption is a product of self-aggrandizement; of unrealistically low remuneration which makes it impossible for public servants to live within their legitimate means; and of a closed political system which inevitably tends to exclude aggregated interests'. Corruption leads to loss of much needed revenue and human talent for development, distorts priorities for public policy, and shifts scarce resources away from the public interest. The mutual distrust that results among the different sections of society, and the growth of despondency in the general public, are incompatible with the requirements for successful public policy. The main theme running through the paper is that political instability, corruption and underdevelopment are mutually reinforcing. The paper finally outlines certain measures that need to be taken in order to clear the path for sustained growth and development. 相似文献
43.
D. P. Doessel 《Australian Journal of Public Administration》1991,50(3):383-396
Abstract: This paper is concerned with an analysis of legislation, public administration and government expenditure decisions on policing activities. These three dimensions of government can be used as mechanisms of social control. Whether they are or not is an empirical question that has to be determined in each case. It is shown that there are no strict relationships between the three dimensions of government activity: separate decision-making is undertaken for each of the three dimensions. It is indicated that there are eight possible combinations of the three dimensions, assuming that the three dimensions of government activity are bivariate and discrete. The empirical analysis relates to the state of Queensland and it is concluded that Queensland can be described as a case consisting of authoritarian legislation, public administration contrary to the rule of law, and low policing expenditures. 相似文献
44.
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46.
Lawyers for conservative and libertarian causes are active in organizing and mobilizing interest groups within the conservative coalition, and networks of relationships among those lawyers help to maintain and shape the coalition. Using data gathered in interviews with seventy-two such lawyers, this article analyzes characteristics of the lawyers and the structure of their networks. The findings suggest that the networks are divided into segments or blocks that are identified with particular constituencies, but that a distinct set of actors with extensive relationships serves to bridge the constituencies. Measures of centrality and brokerage confirm the structural importance of these actors in the network, and a search of references in news media confirms their prominence or prestige. This "core" set of actors occupies the "structural hole" in the network that separates the business constituency from religious conservatives. Libertarians, located near the core of the network, also occupy an intermediate position. Regression analysis of ties within the network suggests that the Federalist Society plays an important role in bringing the lawyers together. 相似文献
47.
Criminologists have long debated the issue of how to define crime, and hence, the scope of criminological inquiry. For years,
some critical criminologists have argued for expanded definitions of crime that include harmful behaviors of the state that
may not be officially defined as criminal. Other critical criminologists have argued that existing legal frameworks may be
used to study varieties of state crime, and that defining the harmful actions of the state as criminal is important to help
mobilize public support for their control. In this paper, we first trace the historical development of these two perspectives,
and then offer a tentative solution to the seeming tension between these two perspectives. 相似文献
48.
49.
Marianne Junger Lynette Feder Joy Clay Sylvana M. Côté David P. Farrington Kate Freiberg Vicente Garrido Genovés Ross Homel Friedrich Lösel Matthew Manning Paul Mazerolle Rob Santos Martin Schmucker Christopher Sullivan Carole Sutton Tom van Yperen Richard E. Tremblay 《European Journal on Criminal Policy and Research》2007,13(3-4):327-356
50.
Boudewijn R. A. Bouckaert 《European Journal of Law and Economics》2007,23(2):169-195
This article explores the different and sometimes conflicting explanations of the success of the collective enterprises (town–village-enterprise) in China during the first phase of transition (1979–1995). It is argued that explanations, relying on cultural variables are not sustainable and this for two reasons. First, the importance of the collective enterprise is shrinking while the private sector is clearly on the rise. Second, other factors, referring to characteristics of the local and central political, administrative and economic environment, in which the Chinese enterprise has to (had to?) operate, provide for a sufficient explanation of the peculiar structure of the Chinese collective enterprises. These enterprises are seen as the result of ?bureau-preneurship’ because local bureaucrats were integrated in their management in order to pre-empt predatory behaviour and to facilitate the relationships with the central institutions. The article contributes to the property rights’ theory of the firm as it analyses an empirically very important case in which firms with unclear property rights and structures, apparently not conducive for incentives, might still be the most efficient option. 相似文献