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11.
Offending specialization has received considerable attention in past research on criminal careers. Relatively little attention has been given to examining the relationships between various sub‐group differences and the extent to which individuals tend toward specialization or versatility in their criminal careers. In the present analysis, we examine hypotheses derived from Moffitt's recent developmental theory that bear directly on offending specialization. Our analysis examines direct relationships between gender, onset age, persistence and offending specialization as well as the interaction of these influences and offending specialization. Our findings reveal results that are both consistent and inconsistent with Moffitt's dual taxonomy of offending behavior.  相似文献   
12.
For all the focus on economic issues in the wake of the crisis of 2008 the Obama administration has remained ambiguous about a central component of economic policy. As both candidate and President, Obama has sent mixed messages about trade policy. This ambiguity reflects wider uncertainty within the Democratic Party about global trading relationships and this paper explores and assesses the reasons for this uncertainty. A large part of the answer lies in the disparate sources of support for the Democrats. That is, the party has courted support from interest groups and core groups of voters that have widely divergent views about the value of trade liberalisation.  相似文献   
13.
Deterrence theorists and researchers have argued that the critical dimension of sanction certainty is its level—increasing the certainty of punishment from a lower to a higher level will inhibit criminal conduct. However, the true certainty of punishment is rarely known with much precision. Both Sherman (1990) and Nagin (1998) have suggested that ambiguity about the level of punishment certainty is itself consequential in the decision to commit or refrain from crime. Here, we investigate this proposition. We find some evidence that individuals are “ambiguity averse” for decisions involving losses such as criminal punishments. This finding means that a more ambiguous perceived certainty of punishment is a greater deterrent of some crimes than a nominally equivalent but less ambiguous one. However, this effect depends on how large an individual's risk certainty perception is initially. That is, we find evidence for “boundary effects” (Casey and Scholz, 1991a, 1991b) in which this effect holds for lower probabilities but reverses for higher ones. For higher detection probabilities, individuals become “ambiguity seeking” such that a less ambiguous detection probability has more deterrent value than a nominally equivalent but more ambiguous detection probability. Results are presented from two distinct, but complementary, analysis samples and empirical approaches. These samples include a survey to college students with several hypothetical choice problems and data from the Pathways to Desistance study, a longitudinal investigation of serious adolescent offenders transitioning from adolescence to young adulthood.  相似文献   
14.
Riots are extreme events, and much of the early research on rioting suggested that the decision making of rioters was far from rational and could only be understood from the perspective of a collective mind. In the current study, we derive and test a set of expectations regarding rioter spatial decision making developed from theories originally intended to explain patterns of urban crime when law and order prevail—crime pattern and social disorganization theory—and consider theories of collective behavior and contagion. To do this, we use data for all riot‐related incidents that occurred in London in August 2011 that were detected by the police. Unlike most studies of victimization, we use a random utility model to examine simultaneously how the features of the destinations selected by rioters, the origins of their journeys, and the characteristics of the offenders influence offender spatial decision making. The results demonstrate that rioter target choices were far from random and provide support for all three types of theory, but for crime pattern theory in particular. For example, rioters were more likely to engage in the disorder close to their home location and to select areas that contained routine activity nodes and transport hubs, and they were less likely to cross the Thames River. In terms of contagion, rioters were found to be more likely to target areas that had experienced rioting in the previous 24 hours. From a policy perspective, the findings provide insight into the types of areas that may be most vulnerable during riots and why this is the case, and when particular areas are likely to be at an elevated risk of this type of disorder.  相似文献   
15.
ABSTRACT

The chapter begins with a discussion of the draft definition of terrorism in the UN Ad Hoc Committee on Terrorism, a definition which covers both terrorist blackmail and intimidation of target audiences but does not address the terrorist goal of impressing potential and actual constituencies with their “propaganda by the deed”. It distinguishes then between a military response to terrorism, based on maximum force within the framework of the laws of war, and a law enforcement response, based on minimal use of force, within the framework of the rule of law. Subsequently twelve principles of the rule of law are outlined and their relationship to human rights is clarified. Next a discussion of specific human rights and how they relate to terrorism and countering terrorism follows. The activities of the Terrorism Prevention Branch of the UN Office on Drugs and Crime are discussed in the framework of the three-pronged UN Strategy against international terrorism. The chapter ends by stressed that upholding human rights and effective anti-terrorist measures are not exclusive. On the contrary: human rights and the rule of law are essential tools in the effort to combat terrorism.

By its very nature, terrorism is an assault on the fundamental principles of law, order, human rights, and peaceful settlement of disputes upon which the United Nations is established.
K. Annan, 4 October 2002

Notes

The views and opinions expressed in this paper are those of the author and do not necessarily reflect the official position of the United Nations where the author serves as senior crime prevention and criminal justice officer of the Terrorism Prevention Branch of the Office on Drugs and Crime in Vienna.

UN Ad Hoc Committee on Terrorism, Comprehensive Convention [draft], Article 2–A/C.6/56/L.9, annex I.B.

‘Coordinateur du Mardi Saint’, Ramzi Ben Al-Shaiba promettait ‘un Millier d'autres Operations de ce Type’, Le Monde (16 Sep. 2001) p. 2. F. Halliday observed in a similar vein: ‘11 September did not, nor was it designed to, destroy America as a power so much as to mobilize support against its Middle Eastern allies’. Fred Halliday, Two Hours that Shock the World?–?September 11, 2001: Causes & Consequences (London: Saqi Books 2002).

An example of this communication function (which is linked to intimidation) is a statement broadcasted by Al Jazeera in early October 2002 in which Aiman Al Zawahiri, the No. 2 in Al-Qaeda said, referring to the attack on German tourists in front of the Jewish synagogue in Djerba, Tunis, and to the attack on the French oil tanker Limburg off the coast of Yemen: ‘The Mujahedeen youth has sent one message to Germany and another to France. Should the dose [of the message] not have been sufficient, we are ready – of course with the help of Allah – to increase the dose’. Der Spiegel 21 Oct. 2002. For an interpretation of terrorism along these lines, see A. P. Schmid, Violence as Communication (Beverly Hills: Sage 1982).

‘Remember. September 11 Changed the World. But Not Enough’, The Economist (7 Sep. 2002) p.11. Osama bin Laden expressed the hope that ‘these events [9/11] have divided the world into two camps, the camp of the faithful and the camp of infidels’. Bin Laden Statement, 7 October 2001: ‘The Sword Fell’, in John Prados (ed), America Confronts Terrorism: Understanding the Danger and How to Think About It (Chicago: Ivan R. Dee 2002), p.13.

Osama bin Laden has been explicit about his goal: ‘We are seeking to incite the Islamic nation to rise up to liberate its land and to conduct a jihad for the sake of God’. Carl Conetta, Dislocating Alcyoneus: How to Combat al-Qaeda and the New Terrorism (New York: Columbia University Press 2002) p.2.

With regard to Al-Qaeda, Brian M. Jenkins hypothesized:‘ Al Qaeda's leadership probably anticipated that the attack would provoke a major military response, which it could then portray as an assault on Islam. This would inspire thousands of additional volunteers and could provoke the entire Islamic world to rise up against the West. Governments that opposed the people's wrath, quislings to western imperialism, would fall. The West would be destroyed’. Brian M. Jenkins, Countering al Qaeda: An Appreciation of the Situation and Suggestions for Strategy (St. Monica: RAND 2002) p.7.

For an elaboration of these two models, see Ronald D. Crelinsten, ‘Analysing Terrorism and Counter-Terrorism: A Communication Model’, Terrorism and Political Violence 14/2 (Summer 2002) pp.77–122.

Mary Robinson, ‘Human Rights Are as Important as Ever’, International Herald Tribune 21 June 2002. In another statement, Kofi Annan said: ‘while the international community must be resolute in countering terrorism, it must be scrupulous in the ways in which this effort is pursued. The fight against terrorism should not lead to the adoption of measures that are incompatible with human rights standards. Such a development would hand a victory to those who so blatantly disregard human rights in their use of terror. Greater respect for human rights, accompanied by democracy and social justice, will in the long term prove effective measures against terror. The design and enforcement of means to fight terrorism should therefore be carried out in strict adherence with international human rights obligations’. Kofi Annan, Message to the African Union's High Level Inter-Governmental Meeting on Terrorism, Algiers 11 Sep. 2002.

Sergio Vieira de Mello, Statement before the Counter Terrorism Committee of the Security Council, New York, 21 Oct. 2002.

Roger S. Clark, ‘The United Nations Crime Prevention and Criminal Justice Program’, Formulation of Standards and Efforts at Their Implementation (Philadelphia: University of Pennsylvania Press 1994) pp.95–125.

Annex to A/57/273–S/2002/875 Report of the Policy Working Group on the United Nations and Terrorism. General Assembly/Security Council (Provisional Agenda Item 162).

SC RES 1456 (2003).  相似文献   
16.
Recent advances and debates surrounding general and developmental as well as static and dynamic theories of crime can be traced to the 1986 National Academy of Science's Report on criminal careers and the discussion it generated. A key point of contention has been regarding the interpretation of the age–crime curve. According to Gottfredson and Hirschi (1986), the decline in the age–crime curve in early adulthood reflects decreasing individual offending frequency (λ) after the peak. Blumstein et al. (1986) claimed that the decline in the aggregate age–crime curve also could be attributable to the termination of criminal careers, and the average value of l could stay constant (or increase with age) for those offenders who remain active after that peak. Using data from the Criminal Career and Life Course Study—including information on criminal convictions across 60 years of almost 5,000 persons convicted in the Netherlands—and applying a two-part growth model that explicitly distinguishes between participation and frequency, the study outlined in this article assessed the participation–frequency debate. Results suggest that the decline in the age–crime curve in early adulthood reflects both decreasing individual offending participation and frequency after the peak, that the probabilities of participation and frequency are significantly related at the individual level, and that sex and marriage influence both participation and frequency.  相似文献   
17.
ALEX NEMSER 《耶鲁评论》2010,98(2):174-182
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18.
This article reflects on the ongoing debate about the ideological direction of the Bush presidency and what it means for the future of US conservatism in domestic policy. The paper considers the dual nature of US conservatism and then goes on to explore the 'conservative promise' of the 2000 presidential election and the debate over what critiques of the Bush administration have come to call 'big government conservatism'. Finally, the article studies two examples of how this alleged 'big government conservatism' has been manifested. First, the article contemplates the administration's fiscal policy. Second it looks at the 2003 reform of the Medicare system. We argue that, although these two cases provide some ground to the idea of 'big government conservatism', in the end this phenomenon does not add up to a coherent policy vision. Overall, beyond tax cuts, the Bush administration has failed to implement a bold conservative agenda.  相似文献   
19.
20.
Gottfredson and Hirschi claim that self‐control is the only enduring personal characteristic implicated in criminal activity. Other scholars, such as Moffitt and Rowe, claim that although self‐control is important, so are neuropsychological and physiological factors. This study attempts to adjudicate between these two positions by examining the ways in which neuropsychological factors, especially those relevant to executive function, biological factors, especially those relevant to autonomic reactivity, and self‐control interrelate to distinguish between offenders and nonoffenders. Data were obtained from adolescents attending public high schools in northern California and adolescents incarcerated in the California Youth Authority. Serious juvenile offenders evince lower resting heart rate, show poorer performance on tasks that activate cognitive functions mediated by the prefrontal cortex, especially those measuring spatial working memory, and score lower on measures of self‐control. Regression analyses indicated that although variations in self‐control distinguish between the two groups, so too do neuropsychological and biological factors, a result that both supports and refutes Gottfredson and Hirschi's contention. In contrast, variation in minor delinquency among high school students is unrelated to frontal lobe functioning and heart rate, but related to variations in self‐control.  相似文献   
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