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ANDREW LIKIERMAN 《Public administration》1982,60(2):127-142
MINIS, a management information system for ministers in the Department of the Enviroment, was introduced by Michael Heseltine in 1980. The article summarizes the main features of the system and analyses some of the issues arising from its introduction, in particular, whether it is likely to be adopted by other government departments or public bodies. The reasons offered by departments as to why it is difficult to transfer are examined, together with other factors which are likely to inhibit transfer to other public sector bodies. The mechanism for promoting the spread of such systems is also discussed. The conclusion is that MINIS ought to be considered by other bodies and it has almost certainly already had some impact on systems elsewhere in central government, but without a central initiative, more widespread adoption is on past evidence unlikely, although parts of it may be adopted. 相似文献
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The distinctive feature of industrial policy towards the motor industry in the 1980s was the transformation in government policy from one of subsidizing bl to active encouragement of Japanese inward investment. This article focuses on the key events of the bl privatization and illustrates how the changing nature of the government's relationship with bl and the motor industry was a fundamental influence on policy change. It also examines the utility of policy network models in accounting for policy outcomes in a highly politicized policy environment. 相似文献
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One of the most distinctive features of new democracies is the presence of political parties associated with the old, repressive regime. This article investigates whether or not the Eastern European variant of these parties, which we call communist successor parties (CSPs), has affected coalition politics. It finds that CSPs do have significant effects on the dynamics of coalition formation. CSPs are less likely than other parties to be included in governing coalitions; coalitions that include CSPs are more likely to be oversized (that is, to include superfluous parties); and CSPs that make it into government are penalized, insofar as they receive less than their fair share of governing portfolios. We attribute these results to the salience of the regime divide—the affective dislike of many citizens for the legacies of communism. Our results extend research on coalition behavior to Eastern European contexts and show how affective dislike combined with vote‐seeking motivations can affect governing behavior. 相似文献
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ANDREW J. BECROFT 《Juvenile & family court journal》2006,57(4):1-37
Shocking crimes elicit calls to “get tough” on youth offenders, but knee‐jerk responses are inappropriate and potentially dangerous. Although accountability and deterrence are important, rehabilitation is vital for young people who are more likely to benefit from such measures than their adult counterparts. However, balancing these factors raises a number of hard questions. For example, at what age should children be held criminally responsible for their actions, what is the correct role of welfare assistance in the process, and to what extent should state power to deal with child offending be transferred to families, victims, and communities? In assessing eight of these “hard questions,” this paper calls for a principled approach to the treatment of child and youth offenders in line with international human rights instruments. 相似文献
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