埃及的经济发展与社会问题探析

埃及进行经济体制改革,减少国家行政性控制,改变干预方式,扶植私营企业的发展,扩大市场机制作用的范围,扩大了资源的开发与利用。但在同时也扩大了贫富之间的差距;埃及人口增长速度远远超过了经济增长速度,国内就业空间有限,失业成为埃及经济发展的沉重包袱;通货膨胀更加重了广大低收入群体的生活困难;腐败问题进一步加剧了埃及的社会矛盾。上述问题说明,发展中国家在谋求经济发展的同时必须时刻关注民生,尤其是弱势群体的处境;必须将社会关系的和谐纳入发展战略,乃至发展概念本身。     

The representation of ethnic and linguistic groups in the federal civil service of Belgium and Canada

This article investigates how the struggles of national groups have affected the politics of bureaucratic representation of ethnic minorities in Belgium and Canada, and vice‐versa. It argues that the politics of multinational representation in Belgium limited the adoption of measures seeking to guarantee a greater representation of ethnic and racial minorities. In contrast, the politics of multiculturalism in Canada associated with the political mobilization of ethnic groups, contributed to the rejection of measures of guaranteed representation of Francophones in the federal bureaucracy. Measures adopted to increase the representation of Francophones, however, did not impede later attempts to augment representation of visible minorities in the civil service.     

Security threat: a reality or right-wing political discourse phenomenon

Asia Europe Journal - This article studies the potential paradigm shift in Europe linking refugees’ influx with the security phenomenon through the works of intellectuals belonging to...     

宁夏羊胃肠道线虫对现行驱虫药的抗药性调查

采用粪便虫卵减少试验对宁夏地区所属灵武、贺兰、盐池、吴忠、中宁、中卫、永宁和银川市郊8个县(市)的12个绵羊场、6个山羊场进行了丙硫苯咪唑和阿维菌素抗药性的随机调查。结果表明:在用丙硫苯咪唑调查的10个绵羊场和6个山羊场中,虫卵减少率在95%以下和95%的置信域下限在90%以下的有山羊场2个、绵羊场2个,证明对丙硫苯咪唑有抗药性;1个绵羊场和1个山羊场的虫卵减少率是96.3%、95.9%,但95%置信域的下限在90%以下,具有抗药性可疑;山羊群中丙硫苯咪唑的抗药性为33.3%,绵羊群为20.0%。用同样的方法调查了1个山羊场和5个绵羊场(其中有4个羊场曾执行了丙硫苯咪唑的试验),查出1个山羊场和1个绵羊场对阿维菌素具有抗药性可疑,其虫卵减少率分别为97.3%和95.5%,置信域下限在90%以下。揭示了宁夏地区羊消化道线虫对现行驱虫药的抗药状态,为今后防治提供了依据。     

Of ‘Strong’ Leadership,Crisis Communication,and Pooper Scoopers: Change in the Queensland Public Service Under Newman

Governments have historically offered their workforce a public service bargain founded on stable pay and conditions and job security. However, while the Westminster system aims for public service employment to be protected from the whims of government, public servants are nonetheless affected by the political environment in which they operate and changes to this bargain can occur with a new government. This paper focuses on a Queensland public service change process that resulted in large‐scale forced redundancies, non‐renewal of temporary contracts, and legislative changes that nullified the provisions in job security, organisational change, and redundancy policies. Using communication as a lens through which to understand leadership, it examines how the government communicated with the public service about this organisational change, immediately before and after the 2012 election. In particular, through analysis of public and media commentary, speeches and Hansard records, it examines Premier Newman's change leadership and communication by contrasting pre‐election messages to the public service with post‐election messages about the public service and the justifications for change during this period of downsizing. This analysis is used to reflect on political leadership, communication, fair treatment, and trust in public service change.     

Electoral infidelity: Why party members cast defecting votes

Party politics and electoral research generally assume that party members are loyal voters. This article first assesses the empirical basis for this assumption before providing individual‐level explanations for defection. It combines prominent theories from party politics and electoral behaviour research and argues that internal disagreement and external pressure can each bring about disloyal voting. The hypotheses are motivated with multi‐country European survey data and tested on two sets of party‐level national surveys. The results show, first, that, on average, 8 per cent of European party members cast a defecting vote in the last election, and second, that dissatisfaction with the leadership is the strongest predictor of defection. Additionally, internal ideological disagreement is associated with higher probabilities of defection, whereas the effects of pull factors in the form of contentious policies are rather limited. These findings emphasise the importance of testing scientific assumptions and the potential significance of party leadership contests.     

E‐government and public service quality in Ghana

This article contributes to the growing discourse on the potential of e‐government to transform the operations of public sector institutions, thereby improving public services. It does so by conceptualizing public service quality into efficiency, economy (cost reduction), customer satisfaction, and service accessibility and draws on qualitative data from the Ghanaian narrative for illustration. As previous studies have demonstrated, this study also affirms the potential of e‐government in improving public services delivery by increasing efficiency, reducing the cost of operations, expanding access to services, and achieving customer satisfaction. Yet, there remains a repertoire of challenges such as weak ICT infrastructure especially in towns and villages, incessant power outages and illiteracy, which are drawbacks to fully harnessing the benefits of e‐government in Ghana. The study recommends that these challenges should feature prominently in e‐government policies to increase the chances of solving them.     

Time for a New Paradigm? Past and Present Transitions in Economic Policy

This article seeks to place the UK's present economic ‘moment’ in historical context. Over the course of the decade since the 2007 financial crisis, it has increasingly been acknowledged that a cyclical crisis has become a structural crisis. The failure of most economists to predict the financial crash in the first place, and the inadequacy of economic policy in responding to its lasting effects, has led many to conclude that economics itself is in crisis. This article seeks to contribute to a better understanding of the present period of disjuncture. Drawing on theories of paradigm shift from both the physical and social sciences, we argue that the speed of change in UK economic policy is comparable to the two major historical transitions that ended with the post‐war consensus and neoliberalism. We conclude by offering some remarks on how and where the present change might take us.