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581.
Keeping the other candidate guessing: Electoral competition when preferences are private information
Adam Meirowitz 《Public Choice》2005,122(3-4):299-318
We analyze a, model of two candidate competition in which candidate and voter preferences are private information. If candidates simultaneously commit to policy platforms the uncertainty about candidate preferences reinforces the incentive for platform divergence. After a candidate observes the other candidate’s stance but before she learns about voter preferences she may face regret about her choice. This ex post irrationality suggests that a 1 period model may not capture the relevant incentives. In a multi-period proposal game in which candidates first make non-binding public proposals and then they make binding public proposals (similar to Ledyard, 1989) we find that candidates are uninformative during the first stage, as they have a disincentive to reveal their preferences to the opposing candidate. This finding offers an explanation for candidate ambiguity or inconsistency early in an election which does not involve efforts to deceive voters. Candidates may be trying to keep their opponent guessing. With a strong pre-election commitment technology, candidates can only be deterred from this type of behavior if they anticipate that a sizeable number of voters (more than a majority) will vote contrary to their preferences over policy. 相似文献
582.
Adam David Morton 《政治学》1999,19(1):1-8
The writings of the Italian Marxist Antonio Gramsci have garnered a great deal of interest across debates in both political theory and International Political Economy (IPE). Yet, despite the diversity of issues raised by such debates, similar arguments have been made that are pertinent to anyone interested in understanding the philosophy and strategic importance of Gramsci. The claim here is that similar demands have been made to return Gramsci to his historical context but without considering whether this means that ideas and the conditions that provoked such issues are therefore relegated to the epoch of origination. The argument consequently works through some of the assumptions of an historicist interpretation, whilst also outlining a particular approach that appreciates the contemporary theoretical and practical relevance of a Gramscian-inspired critique of the prevailing global political economy 相似文献
583.
Adam Crawford 《Crime, Law and Social Change》1994,22(2):97-126
This paper considers the growing appeals to the idea of community in criminal justice policy and the involvement of actual communities in criminal justice initiatives. It draws on a completed two year research study of a number of community-based crime prevention initiatives in the South East of England. The paper considers the nature of community to which appeals are made in criminal justice discourse and policies, the contribution of community to the practices of social order and the nature of community representation and participation in crime prevention initiatives. It is argued that appeals to community in crime prevention, and crime control more generally, embody shifts in what constitutes the legitimate responsibilities of individuals, collectivities and the state. This has a number of implications, the first of which is a redrawing of the cost of policing and security services. Additionally, there is an associated shift in blame for failure. Finally, actual community involvement in crime control gives rise to new structures and forms of local governance that evoke key questions about the regulation of social relations, the nature of conflict resolution, citizenship, democracy and social justice. 相似文献
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Isabelle D. Cherney Adam J. Greteman Brittany G. Travers 《Social Justice Research》2008,21(4):432-456
This study examined how the need for autonomy may be coexisting with current cultural norms. A total of 264 U.S., 76 Swiss,
and 51 British adults completed two perceptions of children’s rights surveys. The results showed that Swiss and British participants
were significantly more likely to advocate for autonomy or self-determination rights than same-aged U.S. adults. British participants
were also more likely to advocate for children’s self-determination rights than U.S. and Swiss participants, whereas Swiss
adults were more likely to grant children nurturance rights than British and US adults. Generally, parents were less likely
to advocate for autonomy than non-parents. The results are discussed in terms of individualism—collectivism, self-determination
theories, and parentalism. 相似文献
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Adam M. Watkins 《Journal of criminal justice》2009,37(6):627
Extant research on school disorder has largely ignored modern immigrant groups, or has lumped these groups in an “other” category. This was often done for pragmatic reasons, but it likely masked any unique experiences these groups had with regard to school disorder. The current study examined Latino and Asian immigrant students’ experiences with school disorder using data from the Children of Immigrants Longitudinal Study. Findings indicated that Latino and Asian immigrant students report marked differences in school disorder. Current results revealed, in particular, that Asian immigrants report significantly higher levels of school disorder even though they outperform Latino students academically. Assimilation variables, however, have little to do with such perceptions. Implications from these findings are discussed. 相似文献