Is Liberal Democracy Sliding into ‘Democratic Despotism’?

Post‐democracy and cognate concepts suggest that the postwar period of democratisation has given way to a concentration of power in the hands of small groups that are unrepresentative and unaccountable, as exemplified by the rise of multinational corporations and their influence on democratic politics. This article goes further to argue that this does not fully capture the triple threat facing liberal democracy: first, the rise of a new oligarchy that strengthens executive power at the expense of parliament and people; second, the resurgence of populism and demagogy linked to a backlash against technocratic rule and procedural politics; third, the emergence of anarchy associated with the atomisation of society and a weakening of social ties and civic bonds. In consequence, liberal democracy risks sliding into a form of ‘democratic despotism’ that maintains the illusion of free choice while instilling a sense of ‘voluntary servitude’ as conceptualised by Tocqueville.     

Do Policy Makers Use Academic Research? Reexamining the “Two Communities” Theory of Research Utilization

Academics and policy makers in many Western countries are perceived as occupying separate communities, with distinct languages, values, and reward systems. However, data from a survey of more than 2,000 policy officials and 126 in‐depth interviews with public servants in Australia suggest that the “two communities” conceptualization may be misleading and flawed. More realistically, there is a range of interaction between policy and academia, with some individuals valuing and using academic research more than others. Furthermore, this relationship is complicated by the internal division between the political and administrative components of the public policy process.     

The Influence of Selected Fingerprint Enhancement Techniques on Forensic DNA Typing of Epithelial Cells Deposited on Porous Surfaces

Fingerprints deposited at crime scene can be a source of DNA. Previous reports on the effects of fingerprint enhancement methods have focused mainly on fingermarks deposited in blood or saliva. Here, we evaluate the effects of fingerprint enhancement methods on fingerprints deposited on porous surfaces. We performed real‐time quantification and STR typing, the results of which indicated that two methods (iodine fuming and 1,2‐indanedione in ethyl acetate enhancement) had no effect on the quantity of DNA isolated and resultant STR alleles when compared to control samples. DNA quantities and allele numbers were lower for samples enhanced with silver nitrate and 1,2‐indanedione in acetic acid when compared to control samples. Based on DNA quantity, quality, and observable stochastic effects, our data indicated that iodine fuming and 1,2‐indanedione in ethyl acetate were the preferred options for the enhancement of fingerprints on porous surfaces.     

N-cyanomethyl-N-methyl-1-(3',4'-methylenedioxyphenyl)-2-propylamine: an MDMA manufacturing by-product

This paper describes the structural elucidation of a compound produced during the synthesis of 3,4-methylenedioxymethylamphetamine (MDMA) via the reductive amination of 3,4-methylenedioxyphenyl-2-propanone (3,4-MDP-2-P) with methylamine and sodium cyanoborohydride. The compound was isolated from MDMA by column chromatography, proton and carbon nuclear magnetic resonance spectroscopy, LC/mass spectrometry, and total synthesis were used to identify the compound as N-cyanomethyl-N-methyl-1-(3',4'-methylenedioxyphenyl)-2-propylamine. This compound has been identified as a potential synthetic route marker for the reductive amination of 3,4-MDP-2-P with methylamine and sodium cyanoborohydride and as such it should prove valuable to forensic scientists engaged in profiling illicit drugs. Profiling MDMA can provide useful information to law enforcement agencies relating to synthetic route, precursor chemicals and reagents employed and may be used for comparative analyses of different drug seizures. This paper also describes the structural elucidation of the analogous methylamphetamine synthetic route marker compound, N-cyanomethyl-N-methyl-1-phenyl-2-propylamine, produced during the reductive amination of phenyl-2-propanone using methylamine and sodium cyanoborohydride.     

Postliberalism: The New Centre Ground of British Politics

Brexit and support for anti‐establishment insurgencies suggest that British politics is moving away from the old left–right opposition towards a new divide between the defenders and detractors of progressive liberalism. As this article suggests, progressive liberalism differs significantly from both classical and new liberalism. It fuses free‐market economics with social egalitarianism and identity politics. Both the hard left and the radical right reject this combination and want to undo a number of liberal achievements. British politics is also moving in a postliberal direction. In the economy, postliberalism signals a shift from rampant market capitalism to economic justice and reciprocity. In society, it signals a shift from individualism and egalitarianism to social solidarity and fraternal relations. And politically, it signals a shift from the minority politics of vested interests and balkanised group identity to a majority politics based on a balance of interests, shared identity and the embedding of state and market in the intermediary institutions of civil society. This article argues that postliberalism is redefining Britain's political centre ground in an age where neither progressive liberalism nor reactionary anti‐liberalism commands majority support. First, it charts the ascendancy of progressive liberalism over the past quarter‐century. Second, it contrasts anti‐liberal reactions with postliberal alternatives, before exploring why earlier iterations of postliberalism failed to gain traction with the political mainstream. Third, it provides a discussion and critique of Theresa May's postliberal conservatism, notably the tension between free‐market globalisation and free trade, on the one hand, and the support for national industry and the indigenous working class, on the other.     

The Art of Privacy: Assaulting the Phallocentric Organization of Capital

A certain type of subjectivity, which I would call capitalistic, is overtaking the whole planet: an equalized subjectivity, with standardized fantasies and massive consumption of infantilizing reassurances. It causes every kind of passivity, degeneration of democratic values, collective racist impulses?…?Today it is massively secreted by the media, community centers and alleged cultural institutions. It not only involves conscious ideological formations, but also collective unconscious emotions.1 1. Félix Guattari, ‘Four Truths for Psychiatry’, in Soft Subversions, ed. Sylvère Lotringer New York: Semiotext[e], 1996, p. 266.      

Liberale Romandie,radikale Deutschschweiz? Kantonale Demokratien zwischen Repräsentation und Partizipation

Der vorliegende Beitrag untersucht die weit verbreitete These, dass Deutschschweizer Kantone vor allem radikaldemokratische Merkmale aufweisen, während die lateinischen Kantone stärker liberal‐repräsentative Demokratieformen besitzen. Die empirische und mehrdimensionale Messung der Demokratiequalität in den Kantonen zeigt, dass die pauschale These der direktdemokratisch‐partizipatorischen Deutschschweizer Kantone auf der einen Seite und der repräsentativdemokratischen Stände der lateinischen Schweiz auf der anderen Seite der Komplexität der kantonalen Demokratien nicht gerecht wird. Als erklärungskräftige Alternative für die Positionen der Kantone auf den Achsen liberaler und radikaler Demokratien an der Schwelle des 21. Jahrhunderts erweist sich vielmehr die Stärke der liberalen und demokratischen Verfassungsbewegungen in den Kantonen Mitte des 19. Jahrhunderts.