全文获取类型
收费全文 | 2583篇 |
免费 | 147篇 |
专业分类
各国政治 | 209篇 |
工人农民 | 133篇 |
世界政治 | 280篇 |
外交国际关系 | 200篇 |
法律 | 1286篇 |
中国政治 | 6篇 |
政治理论 | 603篇 |
综合类 | 13篇 |
出版年
2023年 | 25篇 |
2022年 | 18篇 |
2021年 | 39篇 |
2020年 | 72篇 |
2019年 | 84篇 |
2018年 | 118篇 |
2017年 | 135篇 |
2016年 | 125篇 |
2015年 | 74篇 |
2014年 | 105篇 |
2013年 | 410篇 |
2012年 | 91篇 |
2011年 | 84篇 |
2010年 | 63篇 |
2009年 | 72篇 |
2008年 | 75篇 |
2007年 | 85篇 |
2006年 | 86篇 |
2005年 | 80篇 |
2004年 | 82篇 |
2003年 | 76篇 |
2002年 | 63篇 |
2001年 | 71篇 |
2000年 | 55篇 |
1999年 | 39篇 |
1998年 | 39篇 |
1997年 | 29篇 |
1996年 | 21篇 |
1995年 | 22篇 |
1994年 | 26篇 |
1993年 | 21篇 |
1992年 | 36篇 |
1991年 | 24篇 |
1990年 | 16篇 |
1989年 | 12篇 |
1988年 | 25篇 |
1987年 | 22篇 |
1986年 | 25篇 |
1985年 | 18篇 |
1984年 | 11篇 |
1983年 | 13篇 |
1982年 | 19篇 |
1980年 | 10篇 |
1979年 | 18篇 |
1978年 | 10篇 |
1977年 | 12篇 |
1976年 | 7篇 |
1974年 | 8篇 |
1973年 | 12篇 |
1971年 | 9篇 |
排序方式: 共有2730条查询结果,搜索用时 764 毫秒
101.
Regulatory reforms to public infrastructure services across European Union (EU) countries were aimed at increasing consumer welfare by introducing competition and choice into service markets. However, empirical evaluations have questioned whether these reforms have benefitted all consumers, suggesting that vulnerable groups of service users (especially those with lower levels of formal education), might be locked into poorly performing services. We assess the relationship between the level of competition in electricity and fixed telephony markets in EU countries and evaluate the affordability of these services for different socio‐educational layers. Our findings show that – although in countries where there is a relatively high frequency of switching, inequalities between socio‐educational groups are smaller and eventually disappear – competition as such does not play a part. These results suggest that demand‐side regulation that successfully enables consumer switching has the potential to equalize social welfare, thereby reflecting a possible convergence of regulatory instruments and the central aims of the welfare state in this context. 相似文献
102.
Nina Wilén 《Journal of Intervention and Statebuilding》2017,11(3):382-388
103.
Luis Simón 《The international spectator : a quarterly journal of the Istituto affari internazionali》2017,52(3):121-135
The global proliferation of precision-strike systems may be challenging the foundations of Western military-technological supremacy. Relatedly, the development of so-called Anti-Access and Area Denial (A2/AD) capabilities across the globe threatens to complicate Western freedom of military movement and access, and could give way to a more contested military-strategic environment. The twin challenges of precision-strike proliferation and A2/AD strongly impact NATO’s agenda, which revolves around strengthening deterrence and defence in Eastern Europe, and addressing the different threats emanating from the so-called Southern European neighbourhood. In order to address or mitigate such challenges, the Alliance needs to produce operational concepts and capabilities able to deliver deterrence and expeditionary warfare in a maturing precision-strike environment, one characterised by the emergence of A2/AD capabilities. 相似文献
104.
105.
Matthew Alan Placek 《Democratization》2017,24(4):632-650
Since 1989, many of the former communist countries in Central and Eastern Europe (CEE) have made the dramatic change from communist regimes to democratic nations that are integrated in the European sphere. While these sweeping changes have given rise to a successful transition to democracy unlike any the world has ever seen, there remain issues with governance as well as citizen support for the regime. While other studies have shown that mass media can influence a person's attitudes and opinions in the region, none has explored what effect social media can have on orientations toward democracy in the region. In the following paper, I build several hypotheses based on previous studies of media effects and democratic survival. I then employ survey data to empirically test whether social media increases support for democracy. The study finds that not only does using social media increase support for democracy, but also simple usage rather than information seeking provides more consistent effects on a person's support for democracy in CEE. 相似文献
106.
Julián Durazo Herrmann 《Democratization》2017,24(1):81-99
It is a well-known fact that the transition to and consolidation of democracy in Latin America have been problematic, especially at the subnational level. It is also commonplace to equate an independent media system with a strong democracy. While each of these fields has witnessed important developments in the last decade or so, there have been sparse attempts to draw the theoretical links between them. In this article, I argue that there are important insights to be gained from such an endeavour. Bahia, a state in north-eastern Brazil, is an ideal case study to bring these perspectives together. This study offers fresh insights on state–society relations at the subnational level and on the contemporary interaction between the public and the private spheres in Latin America. Last but not least, it will also provide a better grasp on the challenges democratization faces at the subnational level and the role of the media in them. 相似文献
107.
Fabián A. Borges 《拉美政治与社会》2014,56(4):119-142
Research on executive‐legislative relations in Latin America has focused on the impact of minority presidents and multiparty legislatures on legislative productivity. But an additional deadlock scenario, the blocking of a majority president by a minority through filibustering, has been understudied. This article analyzes filibustering in Costa Rica and explains the legislative paralysis in the wake of the nation's transition to a multiparty system in 2002. Legislative paralysis is seen as a product of the interaction between increased legislative fragmentation and polarization and the legislature's preexisting rules of procedure, which enable legislators easily to block bills they oppose, even when those bills are supported by supermajorities. This argument is tested through a comparison of major economic reforms in the 2000s to the reforms tackled in the 1990s. The role of filibustering, well acknowledged in U.S. politics, should also be studied in comparative politics. 相似文献
108.
Maria Petmesidou Emmanuele Pavolini Ana M. Guillén 《South European society & politics》2014,19(3):331-352
This article addresses the question of whether the economic crisis provides a politically opportune time to drastically curtail public healthcare in South Europe or whether, instead, there are signs of longer-term reform strategies for potentially balancing fiscal targets with the quest for enhanced value and health outcomes, when eventually growth resumes. After a brief examination of the profile of healthcare systems in Greece, Italy, Portugal and Spain prior to the crisis, we comparatively assess the mix of retrenchment, restructuring and recalibration strategies. The effects of the austerity-driven reforms on current (and expected) health outcomes are also briefly analysed. We conclude with reflections on the future of public healthcare in South Europe. 相似文献
109.
Peter Michael Rosset Braulio Machín Sosa Adilén María Roque Jaime Dana Rocío Ávila Lozano 《The Journal of peasant studies》2013,40(1):161-191
Agroecology has played a key role in helping Cuba survive the crisis caused by the collapse of the socialist bloc in Europe and the tightening of the US trade embargo. Cuban peasants have been able to boost food production without scarce and expensive imported agricultural chemicals by first substituting more ecological inputs for the no longer available imports, and then by making a transition to more agroecologically integrated and diverse farming systems. This was possible not so much because appropriate alternatives were made available, but rather because of the Campesino-a-Campesino (CAC) social process methodology that the National Association of Small Farmers (ANAP) used to build a grassroots agroecology movement. This paper was produced in a ‘self-study’ process spearheaded by ANAP and La Via Campesina, the international agrarian movement of which ANAP is a member. In it we document and analyze the history of the Campesino-to-Campesino Agroecology Movement (MACAC), and the significantly increased contribution of peasants to national food production in Cuba that was brought about, at least in part, due to this movement. Our key findings are (i) the spread of agroecology was rapid and successful largely due to the social process methodology and social movement dynamics, (ii) farming practices evolved over time and contributed to significantly increased relative and absolute production by the peasant sector, and (iii) those practices resulted in additional benefits including resilience to climate change. 相似文献
110.
Balázs Szent-Iványi 《欧亚研究》2014,66(7):1102-1121
The European Union seems to place an increasing rhetorical emphasis on harnessing the transition experience of the new member states. This article examines whether the EU actually makes use of this experience in its promotion of democratic governance in the eastern neighbourhood. The main conclusion is that while reform priorities of the EU in the region are aligned with transition experience, the actual participation of actors from the new members in implementing EU-financed projects aimed at promoting democratic governance is limited. This contradiction should be resolved or it will further erode the credibility of the EU's external policies. 相似文献