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Dactyloscopy is a special field in the police records department and a suitable means for identifying unknown dead persons as well as solving crimes by taking fingerprints from living persons. Apart from the conventional methods of dactyloscopy, mobile and more compact instruments are to facilitate taking prints of fingertips and palms also at the scene of mass disasters. In the presented study, living persons and corpses were examined to find out the possible uses and limits of mobile one-finger scanners. The concrete issue of the investigation was whether the mobile one-finger scanner Cross Match MV5 is suitable for application in mass disasters. The device was used in 12 corpses aged 5 weeks to 76 years (mean postmortem interval 5.5 days) and in 28 living persons aged 6 weeks to 87 years. In summary, the scanner produced qualitatively good prints in all age groups of the living individuals. In the corpses, the prints were only partly evaluable. In particular, fingers and fingertips with soot blackening and livid discoloration were difficult to analyse. Postmortem rigidity also complicated the handling of the scanner. In fresh corpses, the scanner can be recommended without reservation. Even if the epidermis was detached, the scanner was able to produce evaluable prints of the dermis of the hypothenar. 相似文献
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Holger Albrecht 《Mediterranean Politics》2015,20(1):36-54
The popular mass uprisings in the Middle East and North Africa (MENA) call into question the assumption, widespread prior to the “Arab Spring”, that militaries in these countries were subservient to civilianized and consolidated authoritarian regime incumbents. In most countries militaries have stepped in to suppress uprisings, replace incumbents, or cause civil wars. The analysis of political-military relations explains the immediate outcome of popular mass mobilization in the MENA region and helps re-conceptualize coup-proofing as an important authoritarian survival strategy. Accounting for variation in the degree of officers' loyalty toward incumbents provides an opportunity to test the efficacy of coup-proofing. The article accounts for questions largely ignored in the theoretical literature: which coup-proofing mechanisms work best, and under which circumstances? In a qualitative comparison of Egypt and Syria, the article illustrates that authoritarian regimes have applied fundamentally different coup-proofing strategies. The Syrian regime has engineered integrative strategies to tie officers closer to the incumbent, provoking a greater degree of loyalty during regime crisis than in Egypt where officers were excluded from politics. 相似文献
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