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This article continues the themes developed in a previous paper looking at reparations for past wrongs in post-colonial Australia.
It narrows the focus to examine the scope of the law of tort to provide reparations suffered as a result of colonisation and
dispossession, with particular emphasis on the assimilation policies whose legacy is now known emphatically, although it ought
not be exclusively, as the Stolen Generations. The search for more than just words is particularly topical in light of the
Australian Prime Minister’s formal apology in early 2008. This highly symbolic step must not lose momentum. That momentum
could be both political and legal. In the latter context, we explore here the concept of alien tort, in the light of current
Australian tort jurisprudence, which has thus far proved inadequate to achieve compensation for the harms suffered. Taking
a comparative approach, procedural and substantive developments are to better deliver justice consistent with community values.
In particular, the greater acceptance of psychological harm as actionable tortious conduct in Canada and the United States
is examined. The article further examines the scope for stolen children to bring suit under the US Alien Tort Claims Act 1789. While the Australian government enjoys sovereign immunity in the courts of the United States, non-state organisations such
as churches that were complicit in the forcible removals may be subject to United States jurisdiction wherever they have a
presence in that country. The procedural and substantive elements of such a claim are discussed. In particular, the relevant
cause of action, the issue of forum non conveniens and the statute of limitations will be analysed to map out whether a claim could be developed and successfully prosecuted. 相似文献
136.
Our understanding of causality and effect size in randomized field experiments is challenged by variations in levels of baseline treatment dosage in control groups across experiments testing similar treatments. The clearest design is to compare treated cases with no-treatment controls in a sample that lacks any prior treatment at baseline. We applied that strategy in a randomized test of hot-spots police patrols on the previously never-patrolled, track-level platforms of the London Underground (LU). In a pretest–posttest, control-group design, we randomly assigned 57 of the LU's 115 highest crime platforms to receive foot patrol by officers in 15-minute doses, 4 times per day, during 8-hour shifts on 4 days a week for 6 months. The effect of 23,272 police arrivals at the treatment hot spots over 26 weeks was to reduce public calls for service by 21 percent on treated platforms relative to controls, primarily when police were absent (97 percent of the measured effect). This effect was six times larger than the mean standardized effect size found in the leading systematic review. This finding provides a benchmark against the baseline counterfactual of no patrol in hot spots, with strong evidence of residual deterrence and no evidence of local displacement. 相似文献
137.
It has been noted that UK political punditry has a ‘Corbyn problem’: an underlying hostility to the Corbyn project and its supporters. As the Corbyn era draws to a close, we take stock and argue that the Corbyn problem was never fully ‘about’ Corbyn. Instead, it was the outward manifestation of a conjunction of tendencies present in contemporary UK politics: the prominence of a relatively small group of ‘intensely involved’ individuals driving dominant political discourse; the inability of traditional purveyors of broadcast media coverage to adapt to contemporary political currents and an unwillingness to self-reflect on possible biases in their approach; and the ‘pollification’ of election campaign coverage, aided by mainstream political scientists stereotyped in the figure of the ‘Pol Prof’. Combined, these tendencies are hostile to left-wing political actors and movements. They will not disappear with Corbyn and may even intensify as their structural underpinnings strengthen further. 相似文献
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Veruska Muccione Boris Orlowsky Simon K. Allen Christian Huggel Nadine Salzmann Nilton Montoya 《Development in Practice》2019,29(3):336-348
This article reflects on the merits and shortfalls of bilateral research programmes aimed at strengthening climate change research capabilities, using the experience from two programmes, the PACC and IHCAP in Peru and India, respectively. The study highlights key aspects of these types of bilateral programmes, namely: capacity; performance, salary and appreciation; funding; bureaucracy and hierarchy; publishing; and data sharing. Furthermore, it emerged that these programmes would benefit from a more extensive consolidation phase of the research activities and partnership rather than rapidly transferring into out- and up-scaling phases. 相似文献
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Peter Walsh Myles McGregor‐Lowndes Cameron J. Newton 《Australian Journal of Public Administration》2008,67(2):200-212
Shared services arrangements in the Australian third sector are becoming more common. Notably, however, there is a lack of information to guide nonprofit organisations through the development and engagement of shared structures. This article reviews the lessons that have been recorded from the public and private sectors with respect to the engagement of shared services arrangements. Additionally this article explores the different types of shared services structures that can be adopted. Overall, this article highlights the need for further research and analysis of issues relating to shared services arrangements in order to assist the increasing number of Australian nonprofit organisations engaging these collective arrangements and structures. 相似文献