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Abstract: Variations in gunshot residue (GSR) compositions are used in the reconstruction of shooting incidents. In this study, GSR samples taken from seven different locations around and in the firearm were collected and analyzed using scanning electron microscopy/energy dispersive X‐ray analysis. Four different types of ammunition were applied. Very low correlations were found when different ammunition were used. This clearly shows that it is possible to differentiate between ammunition types. When the same ammunition was used, high correlations were found between samples taken from external positions (such as hands of shooter, bullet‐entrance holes) but poor correlation was found between internal samples (such as firearm barrel, cartridge case) and external samples. A high degree of association was found between samples that simulated victim and shooter. These findings clearly demonstrate that GSR comparison studies are meaningful but care needs to be taken when choosing suitable exhibits. External samples (such as hands of shooter, bullet‐entrance holes) are more suitable candidates than internal samples (barrel of the firearm, cartridge case).  相似文献   
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This paper challenges existing theories of radicalization and secession that are presented as “natural” tendencies of minority nationalism. It demonstrates the affinity between the strategies of national minorities and those of social movements, claiming that excluded minorities seek to reframe and expand the meaning of their citizenship, as do social movements, by utilizing the structures of opportunities available to them through citizenship and by mobilizing whatever resources possible to improve their status. Minorities utilize the opportunities embedded in their citizenship, despite its shortcomings, before ever moving to alternative strategies that may jeopardize the valued incentives that were achieved so far as citizens. The paper demonstrates its theoretical hypothesis by examining the changes taking place in the strategy adopted by the Arab minority in Israel. This minority has chosen to abandon accommodative politics and is adopting a more active and challenging strategy vis-à-vis the state. In contrast with common claims that conceive Arab politics as a tendency towards strategies of radicalization and confrontation with the state, this paper demonstrates that recent changes in Arab politics seek to expand the meaning of citizenship beyond liberal limits and adapt it to new conditions in order to meet the minority's expectations of full and equal citizenship.  相似文献   
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Sanyal  Amal  Gang  Ira N.  Goswami  Omkar 《Public Choice》2000,105(1-2):61-78
In a corrupt tax administration a rise in tax ratesets off complicated strategic moves by both taxpayersand administrators. It is shown that in somecircumstances, this may bring about Laffer likebehavior of overall tax revenue, i.e. a higher taxrate results in smaller net revenue for thegovernment. Further, a more intense tax effort byincreasing the number of returns audited may alsoreduce net revenues. Finally if tax and fine ratespositively influence the level of corruption in theadministration, these outcomes become more likely.  相似文献   
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This paper deals with the causes and impact of the rise in the number of Palestinian–Arab Non-Governmental Organizations (NGOs) in Israel in the last two decades. It provides a multi-level model that combines economic, political and cultural factors to explain the shifts in Palestinian-Arab political mobilization in Israel and as a result to the rise of a complex network of Arab NGOs. The paper demonstrates the way in which the civil institutions and their intensive involvement in public social affairs generate social capital that has internal as well as external political impact. Arab civil society institutions, which operate mainly separately from civil institutions of the Jewish majority, assist in the empowerment and the development of Arab society. They provide services in different fields, such as education, health, and planning. They also advocate and lobby for the rights of the Arab citizens inside Israel and internationally. Arab civil society institutions also provide information necessary for political mobilization, identity formation, and cultural preservation. In this framework the paper claims that they play a counter-hegemonic role vis-à-vis the Israeli state. However, the paper also claims that the broad advocacy and lobbying activity of Arab civil institutions did not manage to fully democratize Israeli policies towards Arab society, demonstrating the centrality of state identity and power structure when it comes to democratization processes. On a different level, the paper reveals that, although the Palestinian–Arab NGOs network has managed to lead to a liberalization process within Arab society, this process is partial and selective.  相似文献   
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Decisions on Article 9(2) of the European Convention on Human Rights—the right to religious manifestation—evidence the importance of intersectional considerations of gender, religion, and even nationality. This article uses qualitative comparative analysis in order to find patterns of litigation victory and defeat by intersectional groups in their claims of violation of this provision. Our analyses show that intersectionalization, operating through a methodology particularly well suited to do so, was essential to render visible important patterns in the judicial arena. These patterns show the different outcomes of litigation by intersectional groups. In particular, Muslim women, whose cases frequently had a clear dimension of “claim intersectionality” related to religious clothing, systematically were defeated before the European Court of Human Rights. This contrasts with cases brought by male Muslims, a successful category of litigants, therefore emphasizing the importance of gender dimension when understanding cases on religious manifestation.  相似文献   
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