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261.
Michael?W.?Gruszczynski Amanda?Balzer Carly?M.?Jacobs Kevin?B.?Smith John?R.?HibbingEmail author 《Political Behavior》2013,35(1):135-152
Political involvement varies markedly across people. Traditional explanations for this variation tend to rely on demographic variables and self-reported, overtly political concepts. In this article, we expand the range of possible explanatory variables by hypothesizing that a correlation exists between political involvement and physiological predispositions. We measure physiology by computing the degree to which electrodermal activity changes on average when a participant sequentially views a full range of differentially valenced stimuli. Our findings indicate that individuals with higher electrodermal responsiveness are also more likely to participate actively in politics. This relationship holds even after the effects of traditional demographic variables are taken into account, suggesting that physiological responsiveness independently contributes to a fuller understanding of the underlying sources of variation in political involvement. 相似文献
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Political Behavior - Two streams of research, culture war and system justification, have proposed that religious orientations and personality, respectively, play critical roles in political... 相似文献
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Andrew J. Schweighardt Ph.D. Amanda Battaglia M.S. Margaret M. Wallace Ph.D. 《Journal of forensic sciences》2014,59(1):15-33
A bead‐based liquid hybridization assay, Luminex® 100?, was used to identify four pathogenic bacteria, Bacillus anthracis, Clostridium botulinum, Francisella tularensis subsp. tularensis, and Yersinia pestis, and several close relatives. Hybridization between PCR‐amplified target sequences and probe sequences (located within the 23S ribosomal RNA gene rrl and the genes related to the toxicity of each bacterium) was detected in single‐probe or multiple‐probe assays, depending on the organism. The lower limits of detection (LLDs) for the probes ranged from 0.1 to 10 ng. Sensitivity was improved using lambda exonuclease to digest the noncomplementary target strand. All contributors in 33 binary, ternary, and quaternary mixtures in which all components were present in a 1:1 ratio were identified with an 80% success rate. Twenty‐eight binary mixtures in which the two components were combined in various ratios were further studied. All target sequences were detected, even when the minor component was overshadowed by a tenfold excess of the major component. 相似文献
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Although the courts have explicitly expressed concerns about the effects of public sentiment on juries in highly publicized cases, no research has isolated the degree to which jurors’ exposure to community outrage and/or prospective social interactions in the community independently influence judgments of guilt. In the current research, jury eligible undergraduates were randomly assigned to conditions in a 2 (negative defendant facts pretrial publicity (PTP): present vs. absent)?×?2 (community outrage PTP: present vs. absent)?×?2 (anticipated social interaction: present vs. absent) between subjects factorial design. In an online session, participants read articles containing PTP (or not), and two days later they arrived at the lab to serve as mock jurors in a murder case – before the trial they were instructed (or not) that they would interact with people from the community in which the case was taking place. Neither PTP containing extra-evidentiary facts about the defendant nor prospective interaction with the community had main or interactive effects on guilt measures; however, mock jurors rated the defendant as more likely to be guilty when they read information about community outrage and hardships on victims. These findings suggest future avenues of PTP research focusing on community outrage and victim impacts. 相似文献
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Amanda Little 《Public administration review》2004,64(5):618-624
Evidence suggests the boundaries between the U.K. government and the voluntary sector are blurring because of an increasing emphasis on partnership between the two. One symptom of this changing relationship–or a contributing cause of it–is the practice of recruiting senior managers from the voluntary sector into government service. The intention is that these managers should play a significant role in formulating and implementing government strategy with regard to the voluntary sector and in other policy areas where voluntary‐sector organizations are seen as key players. This article addresses the issues that voluntary‐sector leaders face when they move into government–to what extent are they insiders, outsiders, or critical friends, and to whom? It concludes that the madness of the government machine is more than the sum of its parts: people, policy, and process. 相似文献
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Tami Amanda Jacoby 《New Political Science》2015,37(4):525-542
AbstractContemporary feminism has reached a difficult crossroads, both in its theory and practical application. Feminist commitment to diversity and inclusion has opened space for women not traditionally considered in feminism’s domain and prompted new understandings of the forms of power against which women struggle. However, the very inclusivity of contemporary feminism now raises a series of unresolved issues. What does it mean to be a feminist today? What are the criteria for integration within a feminist agenda? And who determines the boundaries of inclusion and exclusion? This article uses the case of Jihadi brides, women who travel to join the Islamic State in Syria and Iraq, to test the limits of feminist boundaries. That these women have embarked on a radical political campaign against the West prompts further revisioning of the relationship between women, gender, and feminism. In place of a unified feminist politics, women are involved today on both sides of the global conflict between Western industrialized democracy (and its allies) and violent jihadism. In this context, should feminism include all women, even those who fight against Western values and thus the rights of other women? Should feminism tolerate the intolerant? Against the background of debates about intersectionality, identity politics, and post-structuralism, this article raises the specter of a feminism that is not only non-Western but, importantly, anti-Western and considers its implications for a feminist reconstructive agenda. 相似文献