Trust and Reciprocity in the Aftermath of Natural Disasters

Abstract

Beyond all the material and economic losses that natural disasters produce, post-disaster environments can alter the social capital of a community by affecting social norms, attitudes, and people’s behaviour. To analyse this issue, we empirically investigate the effect that the aftermath of a disaster can have on trust and reciprocity of people within communities. We do this by comparing outcomes of trust games conducted in earthquake-affected and non-affected rural villages one year after the 2010 Chilean earthquake. Our findings show that while trust levels do not differ across cases, reciprocity is lower in earthquake-affected areas.     

The Peer Context and the Development of the Perpetration of Adolescent Dating Violence

The peer context is a central focus in research on adolescent risk behaviors but few studies have investigated the role of the peer context in the perpetration of adolescent dating violence. This longitudinal study examined between-subjects and within-person contemporaneous and lagged effects of peer attributes, measured with social network analyses, on trajectories of dating violence perpetration and determined if effects varied by grade and/or sex of the adolescent. Data are from adolescents who participated in a five-wave panel study beginning when they were in 7 through 9th grade and ending when they were in 10 through 12th grade (n = 3,412); half were male, 40.5 % were white, 49.9 % were black and 10.4 % were of another race/ethnicity. Significant between-subjects effects indicate that adolescents who typically have friends who use dating violence, and girls who are typically high in social status, are at increased risk for using dating violence throughout adolescence. Adolescents who typically have high quality friendships and girls who typically have friends with pro-social beliefs are at decreased risk for using dating violence throughout adolescence. Significant within-person contemporaneous effects indicate that both boys and girls reported lower levels of dating violence than usual at times when they had more friends with pro-social beliefs, and reported higher levels of dating violence than usual at times when they had higher social status. None of the lagged effects were significant and none of the effects varied across grade. These findings suggest that the peer context plays an important role in the development of the perpetration of adolescent dating violence.     

Kazakhstan and Azerbaijan as Post-Soviet Rentier States: Resource Incomes and Autocracy as a Double ‘Curse’in Post-Soviet Regimes

This article presents an analysis of two post-Soviet states, Kazakhstan and Azerbaijan, which can be identified as post-Soviet rentier states. Both countries are characterised economically by enormous national resources of gas and oil and low economic diversification as well as politically by strong autocratic presidentialism with neopatrimonial structures. These two factors, combined with further post-Soviet legacies such as a low level of political interest in the respective societies and a basically hierarchical orientation of the population, lead to a specific post-Soviet variety of rentierism. From a political science perspective, this article reveals the impact of resource policies on these comparably new political systems and concludes with a summary of core features of these post-Soviet rentier states.     

自由裁量权限定机制研究——以案例指导制度的建构为分析视角

案例指导制度之于中国司法实践的作用,主要体现在实现法律系统闭合、发挥法律见解控制机制作用和预防纠纷发生等三个方面。通过这些功能的发挥,案例指导制度承载起自由裁量限定机制的作用,在确保"同案同判"、确保裁判可接受性等方面助益良多。     

西北革命根据地军事斗争的主要特点及历史经验

西北革命根据地是中国共产党在土地革命战争后期仅存的一块比较完整的红色革命根据地,不仅是中国工农红军长征胜利的落脚点,而且是中国共产党领导全国军民抗击日寇和建立新中国的军事、政治中心。在这块红色根据地,党领导西北红军开展了多种形式的军事斗争。在中华民族走向复兴的今天,研究西北革命根据地军事斗争特点和历史经验,对推动党史军史研究和做好军事斗争准备,使部队能打仗、打胜仗具有十分重要的历史和现实意义。     

多元启发决策理论与美国总统使用武力：一种定量检验

多元启发理论将决策过程假设为两个阶段：第一阶段，决策者基于一个简化的心理认知捷径和非补偿原则排除了那些不能满足关键维度效用的方案；第二阶段则在剩下的方案中以一种理性选择方式选定效用最大的方案。本文从国际危机行为数据库（ICB3．0）选取了1946年至2006年美国总统在对外政策危机中使用武力的数据来检验多元启发理论决策两阶段和非补偿原则的假设。本文的逻辑回归分析发现：在决策的第一’阶段，作为关键维度的国内政治得失对总统应对外交政策危机时是否使用武力的行为具有显著性影响，这支持了多元启发理论关于领导人基于-~＊1-偿原则决策的假设；在第二阶段，理性因素如实力差异、对国际影响的威胁以及国内经济条件等对总统使用武力行为具有显著性影响。这些发现支持了多元启发理论的核心假设。     

中国对东南亚公共外交的问题与建议

公共外交是国家的一项重要战略资产，对于传播本国外交理念，塑造国家形象，改善本国的国际舆论环境有重要的意义。但作为一种外交手段，公共外交也具有局限性，其作用不应该过度被夸大。本文以中国在东南亚地区的公共外交为例，分析了我国公共外交存在的问题并提出了政策建议。     

How External Intervention Made the Sovereign State

From post-World War II decolonization to establishing order in war-torn polities today, external intervention can play an important role in fostering sovereign statehood in weak states. Much attention in this regard emphasizes local reactions to outside pressures. This article augments these perspectives by drawing attention to ways that foreign actors may affect the development of sovereignty through their efforts to work with various domestic groups. Structured comparisons of China and Indonesia during the early to mid-twentieth century suggest that active external intercession into domestic politics can collectively help to shape when and how sovereignty develops. As these are least likely cases for intervention to affect sovereign state making, the importance of foreign actors indicates a need to reconceptualize the effects of outside influences on sovereignty creation more broadly.     

Understanding third‐party advertising: An analysis of the 2004, 2006 and 2008 Canadian elections

For approximately two decades, the federal regulation for third‐party election spending was the focus of repeated constitutional debate. However, with the 2004 Supreme Court decision in Harper v. Canada, a relative level of policy stability has been established. This stability permits us to evaluate the performance of spending limits according to the principles of the egalitarian model on which it is based. Using an original data set compiled from third‐party election advertising reports from the 2004, 2006 and 2008 federal elections, this article offers the first empirical analysis of this important election policy. A number of observations can be offered. First, third parties are not spending large amounts relative to spending limits. Second, despite legislative changes in 2006 banning all federal party contributions except those from individuals, there appears little strategic action by third parties in spending “around” contribution limits. During this three‐election cycle, third parties quite simply did not spend significant amounts. Current third‐party spending limits therefore appear to be situated comfortably within the expectations of the egalitarian model, though why third parties of all types spend so little remains in question.