Between Breivik and PEGIDA: the absence of ideologues and leaders on the contemporary European far right

In the aftermath of the Norwegian terror attacks of 22 July 2011, the question of agency with regard to the convicted perpetrator, Anders Behring Breivik, has frequently been discussed. Did he really act on his own? Were his actions self-directed? Was he, as a typical ‘lone wolf’, inspired by the prevalent far-right concept of ‘leaderless resistance’ or, simply, a blind tool, a string puppet pushed and pulled by dark forces, as some commentators have claimed? His cut-and-paste manifesto points to inspiration from ideas circulating in the European Counter Jihad Movement (ECJM), in itself a contradictory mix of ideological positions. A number of these ideas were given new life when the so-called ‘populist right-wing movement of indignation’, the Patriotische Europäer Gegen die Islamisierung des Abendlandes (PEGIDA) took to the streets of Dresden in the autumn of 2014. The driving force behind PEGIDA, Lutz Bachmann, with a past as petty criminal and doorman, is an unlikely front man for one of the most successful political initiatives in post-unification Germany. Comparing Breivik and PEGIDA, Önnerfors argues that the ECJM is part of the ‘third generation’ of right-wing discourse that is without a consistent world view, dominant leaders and prolific ideologues. Instead, in a new atmosphere of ‘politics of passion’ and ‘post-politics’, fuzzy ECJM ideology turns into a screen upon which diffuse uneasiness with current political affairs can be projected and channelled. Outside the scope of Önnerfors's article but worth noting is the considerable impact these developments have had on electoral support for right-wing populist parties such as the Front National in France, the Alternative für Deutschland in Germany and the Sverigedemokraterna in Sweden.     

More politicians,more corruption: evidence from Swedish municipalities

In the literature on political economy and public choice, it is typically assumed that government size correlates positively with public corruption. The empirical literature, however, is inconclusive, owing to both measurement problems and endogeneity. This paper creates a corruption index based on original data from a survey covering top politicians and civil servants in all Swedish municipalities. The effect of more politicians on corruption problems is analyzed using discontinuities in the required minimum size of local councils. Despite the fact that Sweden consistently has been ranked among the least corrupt countries in the world, the survey suggest that non-trivial corruption problems are present in Sweden. Municipalities with more local council seats have more reported corruption problems, and the regression discontinuity design suggests that the effect is causal.     

Zur Theorie der Interessenvermittlung: Ein Netzwerkansatz dargestellt am Beispiel der Gemeinsamen Europäischen Agrarpolitik

Recent policy network studies contribute significantly to the theory of interest mediation. Despite this contribution policy network approaches still contain major theoretical deficiencies and a lack of empirical application can be observed. In this context a typology of systems of interest mediation is theoretically derived on the basis of new developments in the political exchange theory (Pappi/Henning 1998a). Analogously to the typology of economic markets, the typology corresponds to the social organization of political exchange in policy networks. Further, it is demonstrated that in contrast to conclusions found in the literature no general correspondence of specific types of interest mediation and policy-outcomes in terms of weak versus strong states, efficient versus inefficient economic policies and biased versus unbiased mediation of societies interests can be expected. In the empirical part of the paper the typology is applied to the European Common Agricultural Policy (CAP) using policy network data. In particular, a block model analysis is applied aggregating a set of multiple network relations among a multitude of public and private actors operating in the CAP to identify whether the overall social macro structure corresponds to national clientelism or supranational pluralism.     

Robust emergency management: The role of institutional trust in organized volunteers

In these turbulent times of increased frequency and magnitude of emergencies caused by climate change, pandemics, and other public safety hazards, there has been a growing interest in the question of how to enhance the robustness of emergency management systems. Recent research points to integrated networks of public and non-profit actors as a superior strategy for developing robust governance responses to turbulent problems. This article suggests that institutionally conditioned trust between professionals and volunteers is key to robust emergency management. Based on institutional trust theory and the findings of an empirical case study of local emergency management in Denmark and Norway, it shows how six institutional sources of trust condition the scalable use of organized emergency management volunteers. The study contributes with a theoretical argument and empirical insights on how institutional trust strengthens the robust governance and management of emergencies.     

Artificial Intelligence,Forward‐Looking Governance and the Future of Security

Over the last years, AI applications have come to play a role in many security‐related fields. In this paper, we show that scholars who want to study AI’s link to power and security should widen their perspective to include conceptual approaches from science and technology studies (STS). This way, scholars can pay attention to critical dynamics, processes, practices, and non‐traditional actors in AI politics and governance. We introduce two STS‐inspired concepts – the micro‐politics of design and development and co‐production – and show how the study of AI and security could benefit from them. In the final section, we turn to the study of AI in the context of Switzerland to underscore what aspects the two previously introduced concepts help to highlight that remain invisible for traditional approaches.     

Are women more likely to throw the rascals out? The mobilizing effect of social service spending on female voters

Public Choice - This study focuses on gender differences in voter reactions to a corruption scandal in one’s preferred party. We analyze, in a framework of ‘exit, voice and...     

Zur Vorwerfbarkeit der Schimmelbildung wegen mangelnden Lüftungsverhaltens des Mieters

Bei der Auslegung von Vertr?gen ist grunds?tzlich nur auf die Umst?nde im Zeitpunkt der Vertragserkl?rung abzustellen, sodass zukünftige ?nderungen der Verkehrsauffassung oder auch der Rechtslage im Allgemeinen nicht in die Erhaltungspflicht einflie?en. Der Vermieter ist im Allgemeinen nicht zur laufenden Anpassung bzw Modernisierung des Bestandobjekts verpflichtet, sofern nicht gesetzliche oder vertragliche Mindeststandards unterschritten werden.     

Under the Kremlin's Thumb: Does Increased State Control in the Russian Gas Sector Endanger European Energy Security?

This article examines the effect of increased state control over the Russian gas sector and its ultimate impact on energy security in Europe. The various mechanisms by which the state has acquired ownership (or quasi-ownership) over several independent gas producers as well as the potential dangers this poses for European energy supplies are scrutinised. Due to the demonstrated inefficiency of Russian state-controlled companies, negative consequences, such as slowed production growth, are likely to result. The few remaining independent gas producers are still hampered in their development due to the government's reluctance to implement structural reforms in the Russian gas sector.