全文获取类型
收费全文 | 1886篇 |
免费 | 102篇 |
专业分类
各国政治 | 166篇 |
工人农民 | 64篇 |
世界政治 | 193篇 |
外交国际关系 | 162篇 |
法律 | 755篇 |
中国政治 | 22篇 |
政治理论 | 604篇 |
综合类 | 22篇 |
出版年
2023年 | 10篇 |
2022年 | 6篇 |
2021年 | 16篇 |
2020年 | 33篇 |
2019年 | 59篇 |
2018年 | 55篇 |
2017年 | 73篇 |
2016年 | 98篇 |
2015年 | 56篇 |
2014年 | 70篇 |
2013年 | 337篇 |
2012年 | 59篇 |
2011年 | 53篇 |
2010年 | 57篇 |
2009年 | 65篇 |
2008年 | 67篇 |
2007年 | 78篇 |
2006年 | 78篇 |
2005年 | 69篇 |
2004年 | 52篇 |
2003年 | 70篇 |
2002年 | 66篇 |
2001年 | 34篇 |
2000年 | 49篇 |
1999年 | 33篇 |
1998年 | 48篇 |
1997年 | 28篇 |
1996年 | 32篇 |
1995年 | 31篇 |
1994年 | 22篇 |
1993年 | 15篇 |
1992年 | 21篇 |
1991年 | 7篇 |
1990年 | 20篇 |
1989年 | 6篇 |
1988年 | 22篇 |
1987年 | 15篇 |
1986年 | 5篇 |
1984年 | 8篇 |
1983年 | 7篇 |
1982年 | 7篇 |
1981年 | 7篇 |
1980年 | 5篇 |
1979年 | 9篇 |
1978年 | 3篇 |
1977年 | 7篇 |
1975年 | 3篇 |
1970年 | 3篇 |
1965年 | 2篇 |
1964年 | 2篇 |
排序方式: 共有1988条查询结果,搜索用时 15 毫秒
891.
Andrew Futter 《European Security》2013,22(4):547-562
Abstract Within the next few years, NATO will need to make a collective decision about the future of US tactical nuclear weapons (TNW) in Europe. While opinion about the value of these weapons is not as split as conventional wisdom might suggest, and while NATO will remain a nuclear alliance irrespective of this decision, balancing politics and strategy looks likely to be a difficult task. This decision is made far more complex by the determination of NATO officials to link the withdrawal of these weapons to reciprocal reductions in Russian TNW in Europe, and by the possibility of substituting the key strategic and political link they provide with a ballistic missile defense (BMD) system. This article shows how we have arrived at this position, highlights the potential benefits to NATO Europe of BMD, and considers the key questions that the Alliance will face in achieving this. Ultimately, this article shows how the future of TNW in Europe is likely to be linked to whether NATO values arms cuts with Russia, or the deployment of missile defenses, as its central priority. 相似文献
892.
893.
Andrew Bates Louise Falshaw Carmen Corbett Vaneeta Patel Caroline Friendship 《Journal of Sexual Aggression》2013,19(1):29-38
The following paper is a reconviction study of 183 sex offenders treated by the Thames Valley Project between 1995 and 1999. Some demographic details are provided about the sample. Subjects were monitored for a mean of 3.9 years. A total of 10 subjects (5.4% of total) were reconvicted for a further sexual offence. A further 19 men (10.3%) either had allegations made against them or committed a behaviour that may have involved or been the preparation for further sexual offending, defined here as “recidivism”. Details about post-treatment behaviour were drawn from three sources: two national police databases which indicated any formal sexual reconviction and the files kept on each sex offender registered with Thames Valley Project (TVSOGP), a multi-funded community-based sex offender treatment programme. The pre-treatment re-conviction risk status of each man was calculated using part one of the Risk Matrix 2000 algorithm (static factors). Risk levels were compared for those where reconviction, re-offending or recidivism was identified and those where it was not and a correlation was found in the predicted direction although this was not statistically significant. The advantages and limitations of this kind of follow-up study are discussed, together with some recommendations for future research. 相似文献
894.
Andrew Lynch 《The Journal of Legislative Studies》2013,19(1):63-81
This paper examines a significant legislative challenge in many jurisdictions around the world a decade on from the events of 11 September 2001. Using Australia, Canada, New Zealand and the United Kingdom as case studies, it aims to assess the relative effectiveness of regular and extraordinary review mechanisms at the national level in leading to the improvement of anti-terrorism laws. That such mechanisms often appear to meet with only muted success says something about their institutional weakness and also the tension that inheres in legislatures as simultaneously legal and political institutions. Further, it reflects the authority and legitimacy to which national security law quickly lays claim in a political culture. This makes it resistant to reform, even when aspects of it can be said to be part of the terrorist problem rather than its solution. 相似文献
895.
Andrew Blick 《The Journal of Legislative Studies》2013,19(2):288-289
896.
897.
898.
Andrew Jordan 《West European politics》2013,36(4):43-70
Political scientists have normally considered the European Community (EC) from the standpoint either of international relations or comparative politics/public policy. Although the division between the two sub‐disciplines of political science is well known and deeply rooted, it is now commonly viewed as a barrier to greater understanding of the neo‐state structure of the EC. Using a case study of the implementation of EC coastal‐bathing water policy in Britain over the last 20 years, this article argues that closer investigation of the long‐term outcome of individual policies at the national and sub‐national level provides a sounder basis upon which to adjudicate between the two main theories of integration, namely inter‐governmentalism and neo‐functionalism, than studies of short‐term policy outputs emanating from the Council of Ministers or the grand ‘history‐making’ bargains hammered out in the European Council. 相似文献
899.
900.