全文获取类型
收费全文 | 109篇 |
免费 | 3篇 |
专业分类
各国政治 | 5篇 |
世界政治 | 20篇 |
外交国际关系 | 7篇 |
法律 | 52篇 |
中国政治 | 2篇 |
政治理论 | 25篇 |
综合类 | 1篇 |
出版年
2023年 | 2篇 |
2021年 | 1篇 |
2020年 | 1篇 |
2019年 | 6篇 |
2018年 | 4篇 |
2017年 | 4篇 |
2016年 | 6篇 |
2015年 | 4篇 |
2014年 | 5篇 |
2013年 | 23篇 |
2012年 | 4篇 |
2010年 | 6篇 |
2009年 | 4篇 |
2008年 | 3篇 |
2007年 | 6篇 |
2006年 | 3篇 |
2005年 | 4篇 |
2004年 | 3篇 |
2003年 | 3篇 |
2002年 | 3篇 |
2001年 | 2篇 |
2000年 | 1篇 |
1999年 | 4篇 |
1997年 | 3篇 |
1996年 | 1篇 |
1995年 | 2篇 |
1994年 | 1篇 |
1991年 | 1篇 |
1988年 | 1篇 |
1975年 | 1篇 |
排序方式: 共有112条查询结果,搜索用时 0 毫秒
71.
We explore the joint venture route to commercializing university owned intellectual property. We present comparisons between two spinouts formed as joint ventures between universities and industrial partners and two spinouts where this was not the case. The research employs a resource-based framework, with new high tech spinout firms (or firms in gestation) facing severe resource and capability constraints. We show that spinouts typically lack the financial means and managerial expertise to acquire the resources and develop the capabilities they need in order to fully exploit the commercial potential of their technologies. We argue that creating a spinout company as a joint venture with an industrial partner, may be a means of overcoming some of the potential problems associated with managing resource weaknesses and inadequate capabilities that may be difficult to achieve as a free-standing spin-out company with or without venture capital backing. 相似文献
72.
Andy Scerri 《Space and Polity》2014,18(1):39-53
This article seeks to understand the ‘critical capacities’ of actors involved in public disputes by focussing on one such case in Melbourne, Australia. The dispute centred on a non-government school's proposal to develop classrooms in a heritage listed building on public land sublet from a charitable foundation. Following local council's rejection of the original proposal, the school successfully appealed to the Victorian Planning Minister. After introducing a critical pragmatic analytic framework, five accounts of the dispute given by key actors are examined, uncovering similarities in the arguments used by each. Then, in the same accounts, analysis identifies differences in how the pro- and anti-development groups justified their own and denounced their opponents' positions. Both groups recognised formal rules as the best means for preserving equal citizens' access to public space, yet the pro-development group justified their argument by reference to local community benefit, in contrast with the anti-development group, who adopted an abstract argument concerning the privatisation of public space. Understood as mobilising different ‘models of justice’, the groups are regarded as appealing to a ‘real’ order, an implicit politicised hierarchy that situates winners in relation to losers. In effect, the pro-development group justified its position by representing it as congruent with, rather than disrupting, the real order encompassing the situation. In conclusion, the paper discusses the usefulness of the critical pragmatic analytic framework for understanding governmental power relations and assemblages, as actors demonstrate their critical capacities in contexts where erstwhile formal equality obscures the presence of hierarchical order. 相似文献
73.
Andy Sumner 《Third world quarterly》2013,34(3):357-377
This paper argues that a significant reframing of global poverty is likely to emerge in the next decade as world poverty becomes less about the transfer of aid and more about domestic distribution and thus domestic politics. This proposition is based on a discussion of the shift of much of global poverty towards middle-income countries. There are questions arising related to how countries are classified and to administrative capacities, as well as to domestic political economy, but it is argued that many of the world’s extreme poor already live in countries where the total cost of ending extreme and even moderate poverty is not prohibitively high as a percentage of gdp. By 2020, even on fairly conservative estimates, most of world poverty may be in countries that do have the domestic financial resources to end at least extreme poverty; this could imply a reframing of global poverty. 相似文献
74.
Economic thinking is widely used now across most areas of government activity, though there is not much research on what professional economists do. This paper, therefore, develops and reports on a survey of over 500 members of the UK Government Economic Service, which we use to shed light on the activities and thinking of practitioners. We find, inter alia, that professional economics can be seen as drawing on at least four distinct economic paradigms, that the uses of economics vary significantly between areas of government and that whilst significant use of research can be made, this is not necessarily a defining aspect of professional practice. 相似文献
75.
Dr. Andy Asquith 《Local Government Studies》2013,39(5):625-640
New Zealand is often seen as a ‘test-bed’ for public sector management reform. Indeed, much has been written about the machinery and operation of central government, yet little attention has been paid to the actors and institutions of local government. This article, using evidence obtained through a series of semi-structured interviews with serving and former Chief Executive Officers (CEOs) in the Auckland region, examines the impact upon local authority chief executives of two major reforms within local government. Firstly, the impact of sweeping managerial reforms in 1989, and then secondly reforms to reinvigorate and reinvent the scope and scale of local authorities in the period since 2002. The article argues that whilst local government CEOs in New Zealand are managerially strong, these skills need to be refocused to ensure maximum benefit for local government can be gained from post-2002 reforms. 相似文献
76.
Andy Scerri 《Citizenship Studies》2013,17(3-4):293-307
Over recent decades, normative theories of green citizenship have drawn upon observations that a long-prevalent dualistic understanding of society, as completely subjecting nature, is being displaced by growing political and cultural support for a holistic view of society, as participating in nature. Differences between avowedly liberal and civic-republican interpretations of green citizenship notwithstanding, the normative theories share five key social critiques: (1) the need to challenge nature/culture dualism; (2) to dissolve the division between the public and private spheres; (3) to undermine state-territorialism; (4) to eschew social contractualism and (5) to ground justice in awareness of the finiteness and maldistribution of ecological space (ES). This article offers a sympathetic provocation to normative theories of green citizenship. Adopting a critical realist perspective, it describes the partial and problematic realisation of these critiques in the contemporary types of social and political participation, contents of the rights and duties and institutional arrangements of the ‘stakeholder’ citizenship that has become established within the neoliberal or weak eco-modernising, global competition state. This perspective is important because it offers new insights into the discursive framework that encompasses contemporary debates over justice and injustice. In particular, injustice from within the post-industrial ecostate appears to be a diffuse whole-of-society problem, the by-product of unsustainable development that lacks an identifiable class of perpetrators. This makes the progressive task of enunciating claims that injustice is present in some senses difficult, while conservative ideological positions are simplified. 相似文献
77.
Although in recent years great emphasis has been placed on global agreements and national commitments on climate change, ultimately action on mitigation and adaptation must take place at the local level. Many local authorities have to face questions of whether they should develop policies on climate change, and if so, on what evidence should policies be designed and delivered. This paper describes how academic research on the economics of low carbon cities (the ‘mini-Stern review’) helped create such an evidence base for the Leeds City Region and its constituent local authorities. We describe how the response to the evidence and the pathways to impact were different in the individual local authorities and what this means for our understanding of evidence in local policy making. In terms of Weiss’ (Social sciences and modern states: national experiences and theoretical crossroads. Advances in political science, Cambridge University Press, Cambridge, 1991) classification, the study was mainly useful as an argument and idea rather than being used instrumentally. We find that the policy and political context in each authority determines to a large extent whether such an academic study is useable as evidence. The contents and timing of the study need to align with existing policy and/or political agendas: is climate change on the agenda at all, with what priority and how is it framed. We find confirmation of a relationship between the policy problem type and the role of evidence as argument, idea or data. The mini-Stern study itself was just one contribution to wide-ranging processes of informing, convincing, pressurising, etc., not just within the different councils but also within the wider communities. Other contextual factors include composition, agenda and activities of local civil society and the local business community. Finally, it depends on the expertise of policy officers in the councils what use is made of evidence. Making policy takes (much) time, translation and negotiation across levels and sectors. Policy work describes how policy officers bring their diverse forms of knowledge to bear on policy questions; how this work is done is something that is learned from practice rather than from the study. 相似文献
78.
Sudden infant death syndrome (SIDS) is the unexpected death of an infant under the age of 1 year, where a complete autopsy, including scene investigation, fails to reveal a cause of death. Although the frequency of SIDS has decreased almost 50% over the past 10 years, it remains the leading cause of death in infants aged 1 to 6 months. SIDS is a diagnosis of exclusion and requires the elimination of a wide range of possible causes, including asphyxia, poisoning, abuse, occult heart disease, and other natural disease processes. In this report, we describe the case of an infant death initially suspected to be a SIDS death in which autopsy revealed an optic pathway glioma (optic glioma or hypothalamic glioma) and other stigmata of neurofibromatosis type I. 相似文献
79.
Andy Storey 《Development in Practice》1994,4(3):199-209
It can be argued that immigration restrictions constitute a form of ‘global apartheid?s, ensuring that poorer sections of world society are prevented, by legal and physical force, from sharing in the world's sum of riches. This article seeks to develop this theme, by arguing that immigration controls are based on dubious ethical and practical foundations, and that development NGOs should be willing, in their educational and advocacy work, to challenge their validity. 相似文献
80.
W. Andy Knight 《Canadian public administration. Administration publique du Canada》2002,45(4):572-576
“If a world without borders is going to bring people, cultures and societies into closer and deeper contact, whether by benign intent or malevolent design, our world needs some assurance that all humans can indeed live together and flourish. If not our example, whose?” 相似文献