全文获取类型
收费全文 | 2445篇 |
免费 | 107篇 |
专业分类
各国政治 | 158篇 |
工人农民 | 197篇 |
世界政治 | 258篇 |
外交国际关系 | 146篇 |
法律 | 1183篇 |
中国共产党 | 1篇 |
中国政治 | 22篇 |
政治理论 | 561篇 |
综合类 | 26篇 |
出版年
2023年 | 28篇 |
2022年 | 18篇 |
2021年 | 23篇 |
2020年 | 63篇 |
2019年 | 96篇 |
2018年 | 94篇 |
2017年 | 106篇 |
2016年 | 106篇 |
2015年 | 65篇 |
2014年 | 95篇 |
2013年 | 364篇 |
2012年 | 88篇 |
2011年 | 90篇 |
2010年 | 53篇 |
2009年 | 80篇 |
2008年 | 86篇 |
2007年 | 94篇 |
2006年 | 68篇 |
2005年 | 75篇 |
2004年 | 82篇 |
2003年 | 63篇 |
2002年 | 64篇 |
2001年 | 61篇 |
2000年 | 65篇 |
1999年 | 39篇 |
1998年 | 30篇 |
1997年 | 31篇 |
1996年 | 18篇 |
1995年 | 16篇 |
1994年 | 24篇 |
1993年 | 19篇 |
1992年 | 26篇 |
1991年 | 32篇 |
1990年 | 31篇 |
1989年 | 20篇 |
1988年 | 22篇 |
1987年 | 22篇 |
1986年 | 18篇 |
1985年 | 18篇 |
1984年 | 18篇 |
1983年 | 19篇 |
1982年 | 17篇 |
1981年 | 7篇 |
1980年 | 9篇 |
1979年 | 15篇 |
1978年 | 7篇 |
1976年 | 10篇 |
1974年 | 6篇 |
1973年 | 9篇 |
1972年 | 8篇 |
排序方式: 共有2552条查询结果,搜索用时 171 毫秒
101.
Marie Nedregotten Sørbø 《Nora, Nordic Journal of Women's Studies》2017,25(4):279-295
AbstractWhich women authors were read at the ebb of the nineteenth century and around the start of the twentieth? Research on historical readership groups reveals a strikingly different picture from the one transmitted through literary histories and textbooks. Empirical data from the catalogues of Norwegian reading societies from this period form the basis of the proposed conclusions. From a feminist, scholarly point of view, it is doubly interesting to investigate the fate of female authors among female readers; hence, the main emphasis is on the book collection of the women’s reading society based in Oslo from 1874. The collections of other societies, whether male or open to both sexes, are consulted for comparison. Although the material is Norwegian, the results turn out to be comparable to those seen in other countries, not least Finland. The data presented here serve to modify the received canon of European literary history, and to invite future revisions in the reception of female authorship and of women’s place in world literature. 相似文献
102.
Marie Flinkfeldt 《Nora, Nordic Journal of Women's Studies》2017,25(3):179-194
Sick leave in the Nordic countries is a gendered issue. Alongside other explanations, women’s higher levels of sick leave have been linked to their far-reaching family responsibilities. Meanwhile, studies have shown how such responsibilities induce questioning of the legitimacy of sick leave, indicating that normative aspects linking these categories cannot solely be approached in terms of causal explanations. The current study suggests an alternative way of studying this relationship, approaching motherhood as something being “done” in situated ways, to particular ends; a resource for interaction. By analysing naturally occurring interactions—meetings held by the Swedish Social Insurance Agency—the study renders visible the collaborative production of sick leave as a gendered matter, and motherhood as part of the negotiation of sickness insurance. The analysis shows the meaning and import of motherhood for sick leave to be a live issue for participants, drawing attention to how these categories are neither culturally predefined, nor dispositional, but flexibly assembled for certain purposes. Motherhood functions as a resource in two ways: (1) displaying restricted ability to care for children supports claims of impairment; (2) invoking motherhood works to account for slow or inactive rehabilitation. However, occasioning motherhood in the examined context is also risky: (3) displaying extensive mothering may be treated as indicating low commitment to rehabilitation, and (4) displaying limited mothering may be taken as indicating unfitness as a parent. 相似文献
103.
Michael H. Smith 《The international spectator : a quarterly journal of the Istituto affari internazionali》2018,53(1):45-56
AbstractPoliticians, diplomats and analysts commonly assume that commitment to multilateralism and liberal norms is part of the EU’s very DNA. Increasingly, however, the EU’s commitment to the liberal global order is more selective. We demonstrate the shift to a more contingent liberalism by examining the EU’s recent record in relation to four different challenges: international trade; US leadership; Russian actions in the eastern neighbourhood; and security in the Middle East. We speculate on what this may portend for the EU’s self-identity, European interests and the integrity of the prevailing global order. 相似文献
104.
Dennis Andersson Anna Bendz Helena Olofsdotter Stensöta 《Scandinavian political studies》2018,41(3):307-335
It is hardly an exaggeration to claim that one of the most turbulent political areas in recent years has been asylum policy, which has disclosed a rapidly increasing inflow of asylum seekers, and, in many countries, has been followed by fierce media discussion and political controversies. In Sweden, this development has been heated as the Swedish self‐image is one of providing generous policies, which is also reflected in terms of strong refugee policy. The article uses this example to explore assumptions about public responsiveness in previous policy feedback literature and to examine the link between citizens' attitudes towards immigration and changes in asylum policy output, measured as asylums granted, over time in the period 1990–2015. It focuses especially on the link through which citizens become aware of policy output, operationalized as media visualization, and find that including media reveals a suppressed relationship between policy output and public attitudes. The relationship is negative and thus confirms the assumptions of the thermostatic models. Second, the article shows that feedback is mediated by political orientation: People defining themselves politically as right‐oriented respond with negative feedback when the number of granted asylums increases, while left‐oriented people do not change their attitudes. Based on these findings it is concluded, first, that analyses of democratic responsiveness need to incorporate a clear measure of the link by which exogenous factors become visible. Second, the importance needs to be stressed of considering important cleavages in the population in order to display responsiveness processes fairly. 相似文献
105.
106.
In 2011, the leaders of the nations that share Queen Elizabeth as their head of state agreed to change the rules governing the inheritance of the throne. The federal nature of the Canadian and Australian Crowns raises the question of whether Canadian provinces and Australian states should be involved in the process for modifying the rules of succession. Australia's federal government has decided to include its states in the process, whereas Canada's did not. This article will assess what the differences between these two approaches reveal about the political cultures and leaders of these nations. The issues discussed include relations between the civil service and elected politicians, the contested social memory of the British Empire, and the relationship between neoliberalism and cooperative federalism. 相似文献
107.
AbstractWatershed development (WSD) projects in India are key to meeting a range of human development goals in rain-fed agrarian landscapes. However, outcomes are often observed to be partial and short-lived. We offer a novel perspective on the reasons. Our analysis shows that the dominant ‘water narratives’ of WSD policy and practice and the lived experience of local people contribute to a naturalisation of water scarcity, resulting in widespread views that WSD is primarily a means for increasing irrigation water supply. We show how this over-simplifies the complex problem of agricultural water use and perversely contributes to a continuing experience of water scarcity rather than its resolution. 相似文献
108.
Daniel Jordan Smith 《Third world quarterly》2014,35(5):787-802
Based on anthropological field work in southeastern Nigeria, this paper explores the public concerns and everyday experience of corruption in a society still living with the legacies of the Biafran secession attempt. The paper shows how the revival of Igbo nationalism and resentment over perceived marginalisation is fuelled by perceptions that the corrupt machinery of the federal government runs against the interests of the Igbo people, and funnels resources away from the southeast as punishment for the failed separatist struggle more than 40 years ago. Hence, complaints about corruption are used to critique the Nigerian state and other regional or ethnic groups, but they also figure in an internally focused critique by Igbos of their own complicity in Nigeria’s endemic corruption. 相似文献
109.
110.