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71.
Anna Caffarena 《The international spectator : a quarterly journal of the Istituto affari internazionali》2017,52(3):1-17
Given the widely shared belief that, following a long period of crisis, the American-led liberal world order is now in transition, the question arises: what comes next? Considering China’s ‘parallel order-shaping’ project with respect to the liberal order as a harbinger of a ‘multi-order world’, it is reasonable to expect a concert-like mode of ordering, which will draw on a new common language to reach consensus among proactive stakeholders at the global level. Those interested in maintaining the liberal character of this arrangement, such as the EU, should therefore steadily engage in the process leading to its establishment in order to gain and retain full membership while enhancing their discursive power. 相似文献
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Netherlands International Law Review - Sporting events are increasingly political with special focus paid to the number of medals won by a country. To increase the number of talented athletes in... 相似文献
74.
Anna M. Cienciala 《Diplomacy & Statecraft》2013,24(1):172-174
In 1927 in the Benedictine Abbey of St Andrew in Bruges a group of postulants was admitted as novices to the Order of Saint Benedict. Among the guests were the Chinese Ambassadors to Belgium, France and Portugal, the Belgian Ambassador to Switzerland, the Chinese chargé d'affaires at The Hague and various other dignitaries. They were there to witness their former colleague and fellow countryman, Lu Zhengxiang, enter the Benedictine Order and take the name of Frater Pierre Célestin. He had had a glittering diplomatic career in the service of China and had held the highest posts, including those of Prime Minister and Minister of Foreign Affairs. 相似文献
75.
Anna Arabindan‐Kesson 《Women's history review》2013,22(3):501-503
Abstract In an effort to popularise the gas stove, boost sales and minimize the genuine and perceived dangers of using this volatile domestic appliance, late Victorian gas managers and stove manufacturers employed female cookery teachers to perform public demonstrations at trade exhibitions throughout the country. Eventually, these women comprised a special department of gas sales, calling directly on customers in their homes to offer personal instruction in the proper use and care of gas stoves. Part social workers, part salesgirls, the ‘lady demons’, short for lady demonstrators, moved between the traditionally gendered separate spheres of work and home, consciously constructing a professional image that reconciled the social tensions of this new occupation. They offer an early example of women's entrance into the corporate business world, the feminisation of consumption, and the combination of customer service with social welfare. 相似文献
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Suruchi Thapar-Björkert 《Women's history review》2013,22(4):583-615
Abstract An important aspect of Indian women's political participation in the nationalist struggle against colonial rule was their imprisonment and confinement within the walls of the prison. To counter the difficulty and monotony of their prison existence, women developed strong solidarity networks which not only helped them to adjust to the temporary upheaval in their lives but also resulted in their becoming strong and determined individuals with a nationalist consciousness. These women resisted colonial rule through imprisonment and activities in the jail (such as writing poetry) just as they did through nationalist activities within the domestic sphere (such as spinning and weaving). The jail became a site where identities were continuously shaped and restructured. Feelings of pride, resentment, honour and humiliation were all experienced by women prisoners and were continuously sharpened. Women's entry into male dominated spaces dispelled the British stereotypes about Indian women as subordinate, weak and docile. Women were also aware that by endangering their womanhood on the streets and putting their bodies under risk of attack, they proved that they could share common experiences with their fellow men in the public sphere. 相似文献
78.
Anne Le Huérou 《后苏联事务》2013,29(4):362-386
A French sociologist provides a detailed analysis of the politics, economics, and political elite of Omsk oblast' in Western Siberia. Analysis covers oil politics, reactions to the August 1998 financial crisis, relations with Moscow, the role of entrepreneurs in politics, and the communist and nationalist oppositions. Focus is on the role of the governor and his relations with diverse political forces. The article also examines the gap between formal institutions and actual social and political practices. 相似文献
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