Towards pluralism and partnership in management development in local government

'Joined-up government' has been a policy thrust characterising much of the first term of the Labour government. The last four years have seen a flourish of area-based and local partnership initiatives. Information and IT are seen as crucial to facilitate joined-up government and improved service delivery at both central and local level. Ambitious targets are thus set to make all dealings with government deliverable electronically by 2005. This article examines data sharing in a local partnership, using as an example the preparation of the Children's Service Plan 2000-2003 in the city of Sheffield, setting out the national policy background, with particular reference to children's services plans; introducing the project; discussing the results obtained in the data collection exercise, and concluding that the organisational and cultural change necessary to share information effectively require time, and above all a period of relative stability to mature and take hold.     

The Black Widows: Chechen Women Join the Fight for Independence—and Allah

Abstract

Using the Chechen rebel sieges of the Dubrovka Theater in Moscow and the elementary school in Beslan as a focal point, the author traces the events of that day back to its origins in the hearts of the women who participated in the hostage taking. She reveals the impact that female rebels had on the psyche of Russians and their media, and the impact that Russian government policy in Chechnya has had on Chechen women, whether they are trying to lead a devout Muslim life or simply live in peace in a war zone.     

After Oslo and Utøya: A Shift in the Balance Between Security and Liberty in Norway?

The article addresses the challenges a society faces to when trying to balance security and liberty after a terrorist attack. A main question is to what extent attitudes toward counterterror measures changed in Norway after the massive terror attacks in July 2011. A hypothesis that people will be more in favor of such measures after a terror attack is examined using data from two surveys—one conducted in 2006 and one in August 2011, with additional results from a survey in 2012. The Norwegian response after the 2011 attacks is compared to the response to the same questions in the United States shortly after 11 September 2001. A main finding is that in Norway, in contrast to the United States, levels of support for counterterror measures declined immediately after the attacks. The authors argue that this can be explained partly by the different levels of trust in the two countries, and partly by differences in the political executive's framing of the crisis. In 2012, support of counterterror measures in Norway has risen to pre-2011 levels. This is related to the changed discourse after the publication of the report from the 22 July Commission.     

Two Faces of Media Attention: Media Storm Versus Non-Storm Coverage

A media storm is a sudden surge in news coverage of an item, producing high attention for a sustained period. Our study represents the first multi-issue, quantitative analysis of storm behavior. We build a theory of the mechanisms that drive media storms and why the “anatomy” of media storms differs from that of non-storm coverage. Specifically, media storm coverage should change less explosively over time, but be more sharply skewed across issues, compared to non-storm coverage. We offer a new method of operationalizing media storms and apply our operationalization to U.S. and Belgian news. Even in these two very different cases, we find a common empirical storm anatomy with properties that differ from those of non-storm coverage in the predicted fashion. We illustrate the effects of media storms on the public through discussion of four key examples, showing that online search behavior responds strongly to media storms.     

Elections and landmark policies in Tanzania and Uganda

Much of the relevant literature on Africa downplays the salience of elections for policy-making and implementation. Instead, the importance of factors such as clientelism, ethnicity, organized interest groups, and donor influence, is emphasized. We argue that, in addition, elections now motivate political elites to focus on policies they perceive to be able to gain votes. This is based on analyses of six landmark decisions made during the last 15 years in the social, productive, and public finance sectors in Tanzania and Uganda. Such policies share a number of key characteristics: they are clearly identifiable with the party in power; citizens are targeted countrywide; and policy implementation aims at immediate, visible results.     

Assessing Children’s Risk for Homicide in the Context of Domestic Violence

Increasing evidence indicates that children are at risk of homicide in the context of domestic violence. Using a retrospective case analysis of 84 domestic homicide cases, this study sought to identify the unique factors that place a child at risk of homicide. Three groups of domestic homicide cases in which there were no children in the home (No Child in the Home, n?=?44), a child was targeted (Child Target, n?=?13), and a child was present, but not targeted (No Child Target, n?=?27) were compared. Overall, there were no significant differences amongst cases involving children (targeted or not) on major factors except for the higher number of agencies involved with couples with children. Few cases had risk assessment or safety plans completed. Despite the study limitations, the findings speak to the need for professionals to assess child risk and include children in safety planning in all cases of domestic violence.     

Is there an obligation to reduce one's individual carbon footprint?

Moral duties concerning climate change mitigation are – for good reasons – conventionally construed as duties of institutional agents, usually states. Yet, in both scholarly debate and political discourse, it has occasionally been argued that the moral duties lie not only with states and institutional agents, but also with individual citizens. This argument has been made with regard to mitigation efforts, especially those reducing greenhouse gases. This paper focuses on the question of whether individuals in industrialized countries have duties to reduce their individual carbon footprint. To this end it will examine three kinds of arguments that have been brought forward against individuals having such duties: the view that individual emissions cause no harm; the view that individual mitigation efforts would have no morally significant effect; and the view that lifestyle changes would be overly-demanding. The paper shows how all three arguments fail to convince. While collective endeavours may be most efficient and effective in bringing about significant changes, there are still good reasons to contribute individually to reducing emission. After all, for most people the choice is between reducing one's individual emissions and not doing anything. The author hopes this paper shows that one should not opt for the latter.     

EU Legislation to Reduce Carbon Emissions from Cars: Intergovernmental or Supranational Policy Making?

This article examines the making and implementation of the 2009 European Union (EU) regulation on cars and CO₂ emissions (Regulation [EC] No 443/2009). As the first legally binding measure to target the CO₂ emissions of passenger cars, this regulation represents a milestone in EU efforts to reduce the climate impacts of road transport. The analysis draws on two central theoretical perspectives on EU policy making: liberal intergovernmentalism and supranationalism. Both offer important insights, but their explanatory power varies with the policy‐making phase in focus. The analysis shows that the Commission and the car industry were instrumental in shaping what eventually became an industry‐friendly regulation applicable in all EU countries. However, far from being a case of closed negotiations between the industry and the Commission, Germany and other EU countries defending the interest of manufacturers of high‐emission vehicles made use of their powers during the decision‐making phase and succeeded in watering down the Commission's proposal.     

China Internet going wild: Cyber-hunting versus privacy protection

The Internet is notoriously known to be the “human flesh search engine” in China when it is used against private individuals for the purpose of social shaming, monitoring and revenge. In such case of cyber witch hunting, personal information of the targeted individuals is often ruthlessly exposed and their lives are mercilessly disrupted. In the face of the growing resort to the human flesh search engine, the Beijing Court delivered the first ruling condemning this practice and affirming privacy rights for Chinese citizens at the end of 2008. This article discusses the trend of cyber-manhunt in China, with specific focus on the judgment of the Beijing Court. It points out the inadequacy in the ruling and argues that legislative enactment to protect personal information at the national level is essential in China.     

Experiences of Stalking Victims and Requests for Help in Three European Countries. A Survey

Previous research by the Modena Group on Stalking (MGS) regarding awareness and recognition of stalking by police officers and general practitioners using case scenarios showed significant differences across three countries. It was also hypothesized that victims used different pathways when seeking help. To explore the experience of requesting help by victims of stalking in different European countries a detailed survey was completed by 391 victims of stalking in Belgium (n = 145), Italy (n = 126) and Slovenia (n = 120). The research confirmed the significant intensity and duration of stalking and psychological distress for victims. Victims used several pathways to survive stalking. Some victims reported that informal interventions they or family/friends implemented were effective, but the majority had to have recourse to helping agencies. Significant differences in help seeking behaviour were found between the three countries. In Belgium victims contacted the police, as well as other helping agencies, more often and more precociously than in Italy and Slovenia. Restriction orders against the stalker were considered the most effective intervention. Police were regarded as the least supportive agency, taking victims less seriously, and not being particularly effective at stopping the stalkers. Police were ranked after family/friends, lawyers and colleagues, with regards effectiveness, except in Belgium, where Police’s effectiveness was ranked second after lawyers. Stalking often requires the mobilization of multiple helping agencies by victims and it is important that victims are aware of what help is available to them and that agencies become more sensitive to their needs.