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Kathleen Gallagher Cunningham Marianne Dahl Anne Frugé 《American journal of political science》2017,61(3):591-605
Why do organizations choose to use nonviolence? Why do they choose specific nonviolent tactics? Existing quantitative work centers on mass nonviolent campaign, but much of the nonviolence employed in contentious politics is smaller‐scale nonviolent direct action. In this article, we explore the determinants of nonviolence with new data at the organization level in self‐determination disputes from 1960 to 2005. We present a novel argument about the interdependence of tactical choices among nonviolent options in self‐determination movements. Given limitations on their capabilities, competition among organizations in a shared movement, and different resource requirements for nonviolent strategies, we show that organizations have incentives to diversify tactics rather than just copy other organizations. The empirical analysis reveals a rich picture of varied organizational resistance choices, and a complex web of interdependence among tactics. 相似文献
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Accounts and accountability: Theoretical implications of the right-to-information movement in India 总被引:1,自引:0,他引:1
The work of a small and unusual activist group in the north Indian state of Rajasthan has raised a series of practical and theoretical issues concerning the best means for combating specific instances of corruption, and for promoting accountability more generally. The Mazdoor Kisan Shakti Sangathan (MKSS)-literally-:Workers' and Farmers' Power Organisation-has waged a campaign to secure the right of ordinary people to gain access to information held by government officials. In the process of experimenting with methods of compiling, sharing and verifying expenditure data at very local levels-thus far, in the absence of a statutory entitlement to such informationthe MKSS has developed a radical interpretation of the notion that citizens have a right both to know how they are governed and to participate actively in the process of auditing their representatives. This article examines the process by which this campaign emerged and the means by which it pursues its goals. It then analyses the implications of the MKSS experience, and the larger movement it has spawned, for contemporary debates in three areas: human rights, participatory development and, of course, anti-corruption. 相似文献
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Anne Scott Sørensen 《Nora, Nordic Journal of Women's Studies》2013,21(1):31-43
The article presents a reading of Mary Wollstonecraft's “Letters written during a short residence in Sweden, Norway, and Denmark”, dated 1796, in which the concept of the Picturesque is used as an analytical framework. The Picturesque is a contemporary British aesthetics concerned with how we look at landscape, and with the aestheticism of viewing. It is suggested that the Picturesque offers a new way of understanding Mary Wollstonecraft's position in‐between Enlightenment and Romanticism, Revolution and Restoration, authorship and journalism. 相似文献
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Harley D'Entremont Patrick Robardet 《Canadian public administration. Administration publique du Canada》1977,20(3):469-480
Abstract. Local government in New Brunswick has experienced many changes during the last ten years. The major reforms implemented in 1967 (following the recommendations of the Byrne Commission) included the abolition of rural county government. As a result, approximately 250,000 of New Brunswick's residents were left without any local government structure. The lack of rural local government did not appear to be a major issue until recently. As of late, however, there has been increasing criticism on two fronts. First, residents of the non-incorporated areas have been voicing their discontent over the fact that they do not have elected local government. Secondly, the residents of the incorporated municipalities have complained that the non-incorporated areas were not being taxed enough and that they were benefiting from the facilities of the incorporated municipal units without paying their fair share of the costs (in essence, a free-rider problem). The result of such criticisms was the creation (in 1975) of the Task Force on Non-Incorporated Areas in New Brunswick, which recommended a new system of rural municipalities to be applied to all present non-incorporated areas of the province. While as yet legislation has not been introduced, the report of the Task Force has stirred up considerable debate. Sommaire. Le gouvernement local, au Nouveau-Brunswick, a subi de nombreux changements au cours des dix dernières années. Les principales réformes, effectuées en 1967 (à la suite des recommandations de la Commission Byrne), comportaient, entre autres, l'abolition des gouvernement des comtés ruraux, ce qui laissa quelque 250,000 résidents du Nouveau-Brunswick sans aucune structure gouvernementale locale. Ce manque de gouvernement rural local ne semble présenter de problème majeur que depuis peu. Maintenant, toutefois, les critiques se multiplient sur deux fronts. Tout d'abord, les résidents des regions non incorporées ont manifesté leur mécontentement de ne pas avoir de gouvernement local élu. Deuxièmement, les residents des municipalités incorporées se sont plaints de ce que les régions non incorporées ne soient pas suffisamment imposées et qu'elles profitent des installations des municipalités incorporées sans payer leur juste part des coǔts (essentiellement le problème des profiteurs). Ces critiques ont entraǐné la creation (en 1975) d'un groupe d'experts chargés d'érudier les régions non incorporées du Nouveau-Brunswick. Ce groupe recommenda un nouveau système de municipalités rurales, à appliquer à toutes les municipalités non incorporées à l'heure actuelle au Nouveau-Brunswick. Aucune législation n'a encore été adoptee, mais le rapport du groupe d'experts a suscité toutes sortes de débats. 相似文献
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ABSTRACTIn the UK and some US states, video-recorded investigative interviews of child victims/witnesses can be presented in court as the child’s evidence-in-chief. However, there is scarce advice or research on the effect that presenting different sections of the interviews may have on juror perceptions of the child’s testimony. Two aspects of testimony presentation are examined here: first, whether to show the rapport-building phase of the interview, and second, the presentation of multiple interviews (i.e. more than one interview with the same child). Participants (n?=?103) informed they were watching two interviews of the same child separated by a week had more positive perceptions of the child’s testimony than those informed they were watching just one extended interview with a ten-minute break. Also, those watching the rapport-building phase had less positive perceptions of the child’s testimony than those who did not watch this phase. Participants’ perceptions of the interviewer and their case progression decisions were mainly not related to the above presentational differences. Thus, (i) mock-jurors were not inherently biased against multiple interviews and (ii) decisions regarding whether or not to show the rapport-building phase in court may have significant effects on jurors’ perceptions of the child and their testimony. 相似文献
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