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811.
Helene Helboe Pedersen Anne Skorkjær Binderkrantz Peter Munk Christiansen 《Legislative Studies Quarterly》2014,39(2):199-225
Interest groups may approach political decision makers in two phases of the legislative process: the pre‐parliamentary, administrative phase, in which bills are prepared by bureaucrats; and the parliamentary phase, in which bills are discussed and possibly revised by parliamentary committees. The article investigates the factors that lead groups to engage in these phases based on group proceedings for 225 bills presented to the Danish parliament in the 2009/2010 session. We conclude that resourceful groups are clearly more active in both arenas, but the parliamentary arena is also a venue for voicing discontent and defending gains achieved in the administrative arena. 相似文献
812.
Anne Mette Kjeldsen 《Public administration review》2014,74(1):101-112
The literature on public service motivation (PSM) has typically focused on the relationship between motivation and public/private sector of employment, while the character of the work being performed has been neglected. Using panel surveys with pre‐ and postentry measures of PSM among certified Danish social workers, this article provides a unique design for investigating PSM‐based attraction?selection and socialization effects with respect to the choice between work related to service production or service regulation (controlled for public/private sector of employment). The article shows that the PSM profiles of social work students predict their preference for one of the two types of work tasks but do not predict first employment in the preferred job. Conversely, postentry shifts in social workers’ PSM profiles result from a complex interplay between influences from both work task and sector. 相似文献
813.
Anne R. Pierce 《Society》2014,51(1):68-86
Looking at Egypt before, during and after the Arab Spring, this paper examines the intersection of Christian Copts, the Muslim Brotherhood, the Egyptian army, moderate Muslims and secular groups. In turn, it examines the Obama administration’s policies toward Egypt. It discloses the surprising finding that the only consistent aspect of the administration’s policy toward Egypt has been outreach to and engagement with the Muslim Brotherhood. At no time before or after the Brotherhood’s ascent to prominence in Egyptian politics and society did the administration make support of the Brotherhood conditional. At no time did it use US leverage - given the massive amount of financial and military aid Egypt was depending on, and given the new Egyptian government’s desire for prestige in the world community–to pressure the Morsi government to respect human rights, religious liberty and the impartial rule of law. Arguing that American foreign policy at its best is rooted in democratic ideals, this paper asks whether the United States, while respecting that Egyptians must choose their leaders and their political system, could have done more to encourage a positive strategic, moral and political outcome. 相似文献
814.
Katya Johanson Anne Kershaw Hilary Glow 《Australian Journal of Public Administration》2014,73(2):218-234
The arts and cultural sector has historically relied on funding from state and federal levels of government. Increasingly, however, local government has become a source of distinctive cultural policy making and a provider of significant funding for arts and cultural activities. The paper notes the relative absence of analyses of the role of local government in policy literature. It argues that with the recent proliferation of dedicated local cultural policies and plans, the attention of scholars is warranted. Through an analysis of the cultural plans of five local councils around Australia, the paper argues that the distinctive feature of cultural policy at the local level is a function of local government's proximity to its constituents, flexibility in decision‐making and the discretionary nature of its expenditure. 相似文献
815.
Annie Bartlett Tammi Walker Mari Anne Harty Kathryn M. Abel 《The journal of forensic psychiatry & psychology》2014,25(6):625-635
Secure provision for women in both the Criminal Justice System and the Health Service has evolved in the last decade, in line with emerging gender-specific policy. Notable gains have been the approach to self-harm in prison and a reduction in the inappropriately high levels of secure hospital care. Although treatment pilots in UK settings are in progress, much practice remains poorly described and insufficiently evaluated. Recent strategic initiatives by both the Ministry of Justice and the Department of Health, as well as the commissioning changes that have followed the Health and Social Care Act 2012, provide a basis for reconsideration and a further paradigm shift. Suggestions for a reinvigorated model of gender-sensitive provision are made, relying on principles of resilience and autonomy. 相似文献
816.
Anne Barron 《Law and Philosophy》2012,31(1):1-48
The rapid recent expansion of copyright law worldwide has sparked efforts to defend the ‘public domain’ of non-propertized
information, often on the ground that an expansive public domain is a condition of a ‘free culture’. Yet questions remain
about why the public domain is worth defending, what exactly a free culture is, and what role (if any) authors’ rights might
play in relation to it. From the standard liberal perspective shared by many critics of copyright expansionism, the protection
of individual expression by means of marketable property rights in authors’ works serves as an engine of progress towards
a fully competitive ‘marketplace of ideas’ – though only if balanced by an extensive public domain from which users may draw
in the exercise of their own expressivity. This article shows that a significantly different, and arguably richer, conception
of what a free culture is and how authors’ rights underpin it emerges from a direct engagement with the philosophy of Immanuel
Kant. For Kant, progress towards a fully emancipated (i.e. a ‘mature’ or ‘enlightened’) culture can only be achieved through the critical intellectual activity that public communication demands: individual expressive freedom is
only a condition, not constitutive, of this ‘freedom to make public use of one’s reason in all matters’. The main thesis defended
in this article is that when Kant’s writings on publicity (critical public debate) are read in relation to his writings on
the legal organization of publishing, a necessary connection emerges between authors’ rights – as distinct from copyrights
– and what Jürgen Habermas and others have named the public sphere. I conclude that it is the public sphere, and not the public
domain as such, that should serve as the key reference point in any evaluation of copyright law’s role in relation to the
possibility of a free culture. 相似文献
817.
Steine IM Krystal JH Nordhus IH Bjorvatn B Harvey AG Eid J Grønli J Milde AM Pallesen S 《Journal of interpersonal violence》2012,27(9):1827-1843
In this study of victims of sexual abuse, the aim was to investigate the role of perceived social support and abuse characteristics in self-reported insomnia, nightmare frequency, and nightmare distress. Four hundred sixty Norwegian victims of sexual abuse completed a questionnaire assessing perceived social support, abuse characteristics, insomnia, nightmare frequency, and nightmare distress. Results show that higher levels of perceived social support were related to lower scores on all symptom outcome measures. Abuse involving oral, genital, or anal penetration was related to more insomnia symptoms. Longer duration of abuse and threatening conducted by the perpetrator were related to higher nightmare frequency, while threats and abuse involving penetration were related to higher degrees of distress associated with nightmares. In conclusion, the present study provides preliminary data indicating that perceived social support may affect the nature of sleep difficulties in sexual abuse victims. Also, more severe forms of sexual abuse are related to higher levels of sleep difficulties. 相似文献
818.
819.
The depoliticization and non‐participation of young people in city life is often a topic of discussion. Given this context, how and why do young people then become activist? This is the main question addressed by a sociological research project on the way young women in Quebec practise political involvement and on the meaning that involvement has for them. The question of why young women get involved has to do with their biographical history, their life trajectories, and the influence of family and friends. How they get involved has to do with what involvement and activism mean to them. One of the principal findings is that the young female activists who participated in this study all have an active conception of citizenship that is not restricted to political involvement. Some of our respondents said that involvement is a way of being, a lifestyle that requires them to act consistently in all aspects of daily life and thus implies living in accordance with one's ideals. In other words, the involvement practised and conceptualized by these young activists corresponds to what can be called a ‘search for ethical consistency’, which aims ‘to give meaning to the values we hold as individuals and as a collectivity’. 相似文献
820.
UK Initiatives on Forced Marriage: Regulation, Dialogue and Exit 总被引:1,自引:0,他引:1
The literature on feminism and multiculturalism has identified potential conflicts between the recognition of cultural diversity and securing women's equality. Three broad approaches to this dilemma have emerged in the practices of contemporary states: regulation, working with the communities, and exit. Each of these is apparent in current initiatives regarding forced marriage, but the overwhelming emphasis in the UK has been on enabling individuals to exit from the threat or reality of a forced marriage. In assessing these initiatives, this paper highlights the limitations of exit and the danger of moving towards immigration regulation as the preferred solution. 相似文献