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791.
Abstract In 2002, the Gautreaux Two housing mobility program provided low‐income families living in Chicago public housing with the opportunity to move to more affluent, less racially isolated communities. This article presents findings on their complex search and moving process. Only about one‐third of enrolled families actually moved through the program ("leased‐up"). In‐depth interviews with a randomly chosen sample of 71 families and an additional 20 “likely mover” families showed that movers fell into four groups distinguished by personal characteristics that made it easier for them to move or by residence on Chicago's North Side. Nonmovers faced a variety of obstacles, both external (a tight rental market, discrimination, and bureaucratic delays) and internal (limited experience and program comprehension, large household size, and health problems). Also, some nonmovers were too busy with work or school to engage in what proved to be an onerous process of identifying a suitable unit and moving. 相似文献
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795.
Anthony W. Flores Christopher T. Lowenkamp Edward J. Latessa 《Journal of criminal justice》2006,34(5):523
Correctional agencies face increasing pressure to provide more services for increasing caseloads with fewer resources. The Level of Service Inventory-Revised (LSI-R) is a risk/need assessment instrument that was designed to assist correctional agencies in classifying offenders based upon risk of re-offending, thereby allowing agencies to assign appropriate levels of risk/need and develop intervention/case-plans accordingly. Although predictive validity of the LSI-R has been demonstrated, very little attention has been paid to the effect that staff training and agency experience have on the validity of this comprehensive, dynamic risk/need assessment tool. The use of formalized training and agency experience were found to be important factors that may determine the validity of the risk/need scores that are gleaned from the LSI-R assessment process. 相似文献
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797.
Students who failed the Texas mandatory third grade reading test were followed through their sophomore year in high school. Comparisons of reading scores between third grade students who repeated the grade and their socially promoted classmates revealed that the positive effect of retention persisted over time. Retention in third grade benefited low‐performing readers regardless of race. Supplemental analyses found that the results are not likely attributable to selection biases, differential attrition of students from the panel, changes in the special education status of students, and regression to the mean effects. Making students repeat a grade, when supplemented with additional educational assistance, can benefit academically challenged children. 相似文献
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799.
Bananas were the basis of the political economy of Dominica, St. Lucia, and St. Vincent during the 40 or so years from their
establishment as a crop in the 1950s to the beginning of their decline in the 1990s. Because of successive shifts in European
Union policy and successful challenges within the World Trade Organization to the protectionist regime that banana production
in these islands enjoyed throughout this period, these three small Eastern Caribbean countries are being pushed inexorably
into the “post-banana” era. Their efforts to find a new niche within the global political economy are being led in each case
by new, modernizing, labor party governments that won elections and came into office during a brief four-year period between
1997 and 2001. Each government faces the same broad development challenge, but employs different resources, leadership skills,
and political style. At the same time, each can be said to be pursuing what is best described as a kind of “managerial populist”
development. The range of development options faced by these islands is narrow in the extreme, but they have shown that they
can still exercise some limited room to move forward into the post-banana era.
Anthony Payne is professor of politics, at the University of Sheffield in the United Kingdom. He was the managing editor of
the journalNew Political Economy from 1996 to 2005. He is the author of several books and articles on the Caribbean and on development and globalization.
The most recent includeCharting Caribbean Development (University Press of Florida, 2001), co-authored with Paul Sutton;The Global Politics of Unequal Development (Palgrave Macmillan, 2005); and, as editor,Key Debates in New Political Economy (Routledge, 2006).
The author would like to thank the Nuffield Foundation for supporting fieldwork in Dominica, St. Lucia, and St., Vincent in
July 2004. 相似文献
800.
Anthony J. Langlois 《Human Rights Review》2005,6(2):5-24
Conclusion In his book, World Poverty and Human Rights, Pogge sets out to articulate an approach to basic justice that is inversal and cosmopolitan. This notion of justice is to
be articulated through the language of human rights. Pogge’s arguments about justice, moral universalism and cosmopolitanism
are impressive and reward serious study. It is to be hoped. indeed, that many aspects of his argument might be adopted by
the elite ruling classes of world politics; they have much to offer in the project of creating a world that is humane for
all.
The issues that I have raised in the foregoing argument however are central to the integrity of Pogge’s project. I have argued,
in sum that it is not possible to advance a program for the expansion of justice and the implementation of human rights in
world politics without making an appeal to a specific account of the nature of justice and of human rights. The account that
informs Pogge’s argument is that of political liberalism, and this is an account that has much in its favor as a preferred
vehicle for justice in world politics. However, this account makes itself vulnerable when it argues for universal principles
without acknowledging their partisan and normative base. My argument has been that this issue is at the center of Pogge’s
attempt to isolate the conception of human rights he explicates, which he wants to serve as the language for his global ethical
universalism, from the ontological affirmations which make that conception of human rights possible, and which of necessity
tie human rights to a specific conception of the nature of the good for human persons and groups. The attempt to establish
a single, universal criterion of justice, and to express it in the language of human rights, is undermined from within for
as long as it fails to engage with ontological concerns. 相似文献