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771.
Environmental advocacy is a large and growing activity. Whilst a number of economists have analysed the advocacy process, no systematic attempt has been made to understand the factors influencing the organisation of the sector. We explore the relationship between economies of scale and scope in advocacy. Under the most popular specification of a Tullock-type contest, economies of scope arise when (and only when) the scale of that activity is sufficiently large. The incentives for merger are socially efficient, implying no need for policy intervention. 相似文献
772.
Anthony Forster 《冲突、安全与发展》2005,5(2):137-140
This special issue has its origins in series of discussions within the Governance Research Centre, University of Bristol concerning the changing nature of conflict, security and development and debates about different conceptual lenses for explaining and understanding these changes. Our interest is in the relevance and the extent to which the multifaceted concept of governance explains security challenges in a world in which many previous certainties appear far less certain. Following a call for papers in 2003, we held a two-day workshop in December 2004 sponsored by NATO Public Diplomacy Programme and the International Policy Institute, King's College London to present and debate drafts of the papers, which were peer reviewed and revised for this special issue. 相似文献
773.
Anthony J. Ferri 《Society》2010,47(5):403-409
Celebrities abound in the media today largely because of improved technology allows celebrant and fan to access each other
directly. This shift may indicate the era of entertainment as well as an entangled society characterized by reduction of a
rational public. 相似文献
774.
775.
Charles Anthony Smith 《Law & society review》2008,42(1):75-110
Conventional wisdom holds that the role of the U.S. federal judiciary was underspecified and undefined until the era of Chief Justice John Marshall. In contrast, I argue that prior to the Marshall era, the Supreme Court had the specific institutional role of providing an administrative remedy to aggrieved nations to deprive potentially hostile nations of any excuse for belligerence. Specifically, concern among the Framers about this nascent country's absence of dispute resolution mechanisms in the areas of trade and admiralty was critical in the institutional design of the judiciary. Original jurisdiction was designed primarily to remedy trade disputes. The independent judiciary made trade commitments more credible and self-help by the aggrieved less likely. By providing this administrative remedy and lowering the uncertainty associated with trading with revolutionaries, the Framers claimed a seat for the new country at the table of nations. Moreover, enhanced commercial credibility that the administrative avenue for redress provided was instrumental in the early economic development of the United States. 相似文献
776.
Greg Ridgeway Anthony A. Braga George Tita Glenn L. Pierce 《Journal of Experimental Criminology》2011,7(1):103-109
The objective of this study was to assess whether targeting new gun buyers with a public safety message aimed at improving
gun law awareness can modify gun purchasers’ behaviors. Between May 2007 and September 2008, 2,120 guns were purchased in
two target neighborhoods of the City of Los Angeles. Starting in August 2007, gun buyers initiating transactions on odd-numbered
days received a letter signed by prominent law enforcement officials, indicating that law enforcement had a record of their
gun purchase and that the gun buyer should properly record future transfers of the gun. The letters arrived during buyers’
10-day waiting periods, before they could legally return to the store to collect their new gun. Subsequent gun records were
extracted to assess the letter’s effect on legal secondary sales, reports of stolen guns, and recovery of the gun in a crime.
An intent-to-treat analysis was also conducted as a sensitivity check to remedy a lapse in the letter program between May
and August 2007. The letter appears to have no effect on the legal transfer rate or on the short-term rate of guns subsequently
turning up in a crime. However, we found that the rate at which guns are reported stolen for those who received the letter
is more than twice the rate for those who did not receive the letter (p value = 0.01). Those receiving the letter reported their gun stolen at a rate of 18 guns per 1,000 gun-years and those not
receiving the letter reported their gun stolen at a rate of 7 guns per 1,000 gun-years. Of those receiving the letter, 1.9%
reported their gun stolen during the study period compared to 1.0% for those who did not receive the letter. The percentage
of guns reported stolen in these neighborhoods is high, indicating a high rate of true gun theft, a regular practice of using
stolen-gun reports to separate the gun buyer from future misuse of the gun, or some blend of both. Simple, targeted gun law
awareness campaigns can modify new gun buyers’ behaviors. Additional follow-up or modifications to this initiative might be
needed to impact the rate at which guns enter the illegal gun market and ultimately are recovered in crimes. 相似文献
777.
Routine activities theory has not fully considered the role of gender in shaping victimization and yet, the research literature clearly demonstrates that gender is associated with an individual's risk of victimization. In addition to the pervasive effect of gender on victimization, gender shapes an individual's daily routines and thus may create a gender-specific relationship with victimization. This article explores the importance of gender in understanding the relationship between student's participation in extracurricular routine activities (e.g., student government, clubs, sports, and etc.) and the risk of victimization. From the Education Longitudinal Study of 2002, a sample of 10th-grade students was drawn for analyses. Hierarchical Generalized Linear Modeling was employed to explore the role of gender in the relationship between extracurricular routine activities and victimization at school. The results reveal that students' gender indeed interacts with several of the extracurricular routine activities creating gender-specific risks of victimization. This article highlights the importance of gender in explaining victimization and suggests researchers should consider how gender may interact with other routine activities and victimization. 相似文献
778.
We report here a 5-year retrospective review of autopsy cases from the New York City Medical Examiner's Office that demonstrated phencyclidine (PCP) in the blood. There were a total of 138 cases. There were 52 deaths because of mixed drug intoxication: the blood PCP concentrations in these cases ranged from <1 to 598 ng/mL. There were 80 violent deaths in which PCP was quantified in the blood but was unrelated to the cause of death. There were five nonviolent deaths in which PCP exclusively was detected. In four of these, there were preexisting medical conditions that could also have contributed to death. In these, the highest PCP concentration was 361.3 ng/mL, a concentration lower than seven of the individuals in our violent death category. This suggests that lower concentrations may be fatal with comorbid conditions. 相似文献
779.
Anthony Kent 《Space and Polity》2014,18(3):269-284
The idea that “institutional thickness” is an important component for the resilience of local economies continues to attract attention several years after the seminal work on the subject by Amin and Thrift (1994). In Melbourne's northern suburbs, one manufacturing sector has recently seen significant job growth. Coinciding with this trend is the emergence of regional economic development bodies. Have they influenced the performance and operation of firms? Results from interviews with firm managers suggest not, with non-institutional factors predominating. This “business as usual” scenario suggests local economic development strategies have limitations. 相似文献
780.
Joshua D. Clinton Anthony Bertelli Christian R. Grose David E. Lewis David C. Nixon 《American journal of political science》2012,56(2):341-354
Government agencies service interest groups, advocate policies, provide advice to elected officials, and create and implement public policy. Scholars have advanced theories to explain the role of agencies in American politics, but efforts to test these theories are hampered by the inability to systematically measure agency preferences. We present a method for measuring agency ideology that yields ideal point estimates of individual bureaucrats and agencies that are directly comparable with those of other political actors. These estimates produce insights into the nature of the bureaucratic state and provide traction on a host of questions about American politics. We discuss what these estimates reveal about the political environment of bureaucracy and their potential for testing theories of political institutions. We demonstrate their utility by testing key propositions from Gailmard and Patty's (2007) influential model of political control and endogenous expertise development. 相似文献