Imperatives Without Imperator

Schmitt’s theologisation of sovereignty has been subjected, 50 years later, to a ‘quarter turn’ by Foucault’s move from issues of domination to issues of government. After a further 30 years, radicalising Foucault, Agamben’s archaeology of economy adds another ‘quarter turn’: the structure that emerges once the old European conjugality of facticity and validity, of praxis and being, emptied of all bonds, links, and loops, gives way to the bare opposition ‘bipolarity’. The new constellation provides the old legal-theoretical (kelsenian) problem of rules unsuspended from a ruler who would authorise them, with a new, unexpected, political content and with a change of epistemic paradigm.     

Ideological hybrids: the contrary case of Tory anarchism

This article provides an account of ideological hybridity. It describes and categorizes four main types of ideological hybrid in order to examine a range of sub-ideologies and cross-breeds but concentrates on identifying and assessing the particular phenomena described as conservative (or ‘Tory’) anarchisms. The article demonstrates how an ideological hybrid’s morphological relationship to its parent ideologies can alter in different geographical or historical contexts. Using this model, it argues that some differences between conservatism and anarchism are overstressed (such as those over the role of the state and individual rights), whilst some important similarities are often overlooked, namely those surrounding their political epistemologies. However, because apparently shared concepts are structured next to radically different core principles (defence/rejection of hierarchies and prioritizing/negation of dominant economic institutions), these shared principles are interpreted in radically different ways. As a result, conservative anarchism is a deeply unstable hybrid rather than an innovative new ideological form. It is one which, in most contexts, stabilizes into a form of conservatism rather than a form of anarchism.     

制定一部德意志统一民法典之必要性

在不久前发表的一篇评论文章(<海德堡年鉴>1814年卷,第1-32页)中,本人曾就制定德意志统一民法典之必要性附带发表了一些拙见.这让一些值得尊敬的人士敦促我专文对这一重要问题予以更细致的阐述.     

Neo‐patrimonialism and Corruption: Evidence from 8,436 Firms in 17 Countries in Sub‐Saharan Africa

This article introduces four innovations to the literature on administrative corruption. First, it employs a neo‐patrimonialism framework by addressing measurement, identification, and endogeneity issues that beset the literature. Second, unlike cross‐country studies, it uses firms as the unit of analysis. Third, unlike the conventional literature, the article uses large‐n (n = 8,436) panel survey data of key informants in 17 countries in sub‐Saharan Africa. Finally, unlike the conventional literature, the article focuses on a particular type of corruption: the supply and demand for bribery. The authors find that the uncertainty associated with neo‐patrimonialism has a strong, positive, and significant effect on the propensity of civil servants to demand bribes in exchange for services and for firms to supply bribes in exchange for winning government contracts. The results are robust to controls on the characteristics of firms and their regulatory environments. The article concludes with implications for research and practice.     

Gefängnis und Gesellschaft

Im Mittelpunkt des Aufsatzes steht die These einer Kongruenz von Normen, kollektiven Repr?sentationen und Verhaltensorientierungen in sowjetischen und postsowjetischen Haftanstalten („kleine Gesellschaft“) und wichtigen Teilbereichen der russischen Gesellschaft („gro?e Gesellschaft“), wobei der Autor seine Argumentation im Wesentlichen als „institutions-as-norms approach“ entwickelt. Zur Untermauerung der These von der institutionellen Kongruenz von Gef?ngniskultur und „Gef?ngnissubkultur“ in der Gesellschaft, hier vor allem in der Wirtschaft, werden Ph?nomene der fehlenden oder mangelnden Differenzierung von T?tigkeitssph?ren, der Personifizierung sozialer Beziehungen, eines Normendualismus und der unvollst?ndigen staatlichen Gewaltkontrolle herangezogen und analysiert. Dieser These zufolge ist die partikularistische Teilungslogik in „Unsrige“ und „Fremde“ der zentrale Inklusions-Exklusions-Mechanismus, der Gef?ngnis und Gesellschaft in Russland sozial strukturiert. Die zitierten Interviewsegmente entstammen empirischen Untersuchungen, die Ende der 1990er Jahre erfolgten.