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981.
982.
Ethnic identity was conceptualized into three categories: (1) unexamined, (2) searching for identity, and (3) achieved ethnic identity. Analyses of data collected from 12,386 adolescents showed that ethnic identity is an important qualifier of the relationships between independent variables of ethnicity and gender, and dependent variables of global self-esteem, academic self-confidence, and purpose in life. Whites and Native Americans had lower ethnic identity, and Blacks and Hispanics had higher ethnic identity. Asians and repondents of mixed ethnicity had intermediate levels of ethnic identity. The greater the ethnic identity, the higher the self-esteem, purpose in life and self-confidence. This mechanism applies to ethnic minorities and to women among whom achieved ethnic identity may blunt the negative effects of social denigration and stereotyping, and it applies to whites, too. The paper argues that multiculturalism in the schools can increase ethnic identity.  相似文献   
983.
It is often assumed that a good parent–child relationship leads to a later sexual initiation of the adolescent. Using a representative longitudinal sample of 332 (Time One) to 255 (Time Two) mother–adolescent pairs, we sought to reexamine the relations between distal variables (including socioeconomic status, age of mother and child, presence of the father), proximate variables (rearing styles, sexual permissiveness), and the amount of intrafamily conflict and adolescent sexual behavior, by means of structural modeling techniques and logistic regression analysis. Our results did not support the notion of delayed sexual initiation of adolescents as a consequence of positive parent–child relationships. On the contrary, we find that the stronger parental desire to maintain a good relationship with their adolescents, the more likely it is that their sexual initiation will be at a younger age.  相似文献   
984.

Errata Sheet

The voter's paradox and the homegeneity of individual preference orders  相似文献   
985.
This paper introduces a discussion on how to construct and systematise symbols constructions that serve to define the guidelines for political discourses, using rhetorical methodology. It analyses the political marketing strategies of current Peruvian President Alejandro Toledo and, more specifically, his efforts to recover popularity after one‐and‐a‐half years in office. The fundamental hypothesis is that Toledo has not been able to construct a solid character (apart from being in opposition to Alberto Fujimori), who would be the protagonist in the ‘story’ of solving the real problems of the people, which, according to the opinion polls, are lack of employment, lack of opportunities, and lack of money for daily expenses. The rhetorical approach, based on Kenneth Burke's Dramatism Theory, is useful for understanding the construction of the political spectacle, the scene where all the marketing strategies and tools are applied. Copyright © 2004 Henry Stewart Publications  相似文献   
986.
After becoming the first opposition candidate to win since 1910, President Vicente Fox kindled expectations at both national and international levels. He claimed he would enhance significantly the scope of the Mexico's foreign policy and engage the country in international politics in a way more befitting of its newly acquired democratic status. Nevertheless, little consideration was given to the fact that for many decades foreign policy in Mexico had been deployed to create an area screened‐off from domestic politics where conflicting factions were brought together and a policy consensus worked out. That consensus was sufficiently ample for the authoritarian elite, given its foreign policy goals and principles. It would, however, fail to suffice for any political leader willing to step outside the box of tradition. Fox did just that. In consequence, widespread reactions of disapproval from key political actors and the media led the president to settle for a more modest international agenda in 2002. This article explores the key processes that triggered so much internal resistance to Fox's foreign policy designs. I argue that these processes underpin what continues to be the essentially autarchic nature and scope of the Mexican foreign policy tradition. Such an autarchic approach is glorified in Mexican political rhetoric, yet has led to many lost opportunities for Mexico. Most importantly, I stress that the Mexican foreign policy tradition discourages and forecloses the kind of engagement in the international arena that seeks to share in rather than to free‐ride the collective efforts of the international community to procure security and peace. So despite its new democratic status, Mexico remains more of a spectator than an actor on the international stage.  相似文献   
987.
The interview focuses on Kymlicka's major area of research, i.e., the issue of minority rights. Kymlicka explains why the rights of national minorities have been traditionally neglected in the Western political tradition. He argues that these rights promote individual freedom, and so should be seen as promoting liberal democratic principles. The interview covers many issues including the relationship between ethno-cultural groups and other forms of "identity politics"; how to individuate cultural groups with legitimate claims to minority rights; whether something like a "cosmopolitan view" can seriously challenge the need for minority rights; what are the dangers of building transnational political institutions such as the EU for democratic citizenship; what are the bases of social unity in multination states and what are the limits of toleration of illiberal minorities.  相似文献   
988.
Professor Wiener mentions that [w]hile an agreement has evolvedin the juris-prudence concerning the meaning of criminal law' and publicinternational law', the opinions regarding what international criminallaw is still diverge to a great extent.1 The task of this report isto clear up what we mean by international criminal law, because itis not an exact expression.  相似文献   
989.
990.
The Central American countries are divided by profound political differences. Yet surprising similarities exist in the changing relations between the public and private sectors. Throughout the region, public and private sectors lock into a vicious circle. The inability of the state to provide order and social harmony creates disincentives for the private sector to invest or even to continue existing levels of production. The government responds by increasing its responsibilities at the expense of the private sector. In doing so it assumes risks the private sector refuses, but further alienates the private sector nonetheless.  相似文献   
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