全文获取类型
收费全文 | 719篇 |
免费 | 18篇 |
专业分类
各国政治 | 40篇 |
工人农民 | 29篇 |
世界政治 | 84篇 |
外交国际关系 | 49篇 |
法律 | 280篇 |
中国政治 | 7篇 |
政治理论 | 244篇 |
综合类 | 4篇 |
出版年
2020年 | 10篇 |
2019年 | 15篇 |
2018年 | 17篇 |
2017年 | 22篇 |
2016年 | 17篇 |
2015年 | 15篇 |
2014年 | 25篇 |
2013年 | 98篇 |
2012年 | 19篇 |
2011年 | 20篇 |
2010年 | 21篇 |
2009年 | 14篇 |
2008年 | 17篇 |
2007年 | 23篇 |
2006年 | 23篇 |
2005年 | 17篇 |
2004年 | 9篇 |
2003年 | 15篇 |
2002年 | 20篇 |
2001年 | 15篇 |
2000年 | 15篇 |
1999年 | 9篇 |
1998年 | 7篇 |
1997年 | 10篇 |
1996年 | 10篇 |
1995年 | 19篇 |
1994年 | 16篇 |
1993年 | 17篇 |
1992年 | 13篇 |
1991年 | 12篇 |
1990年 | 7篇 |
1989年 | 11篇 |
1988年 | 18篇 |
1987年 | 15篇 |
1986年 | 12篇 |
1985年 | 19篇 |
1984年 | 9篇 |
1983年 | 5篇 |
1982年 | 4篇 |
1981年 | 7篇 |
1980年 | 4篇 |
1979年 | 6篇 |
1977年 | 3篇 |
1976年 | 7篇 |
1975年 | 9篇 |
1974年 | 4篇 |
1973年 | 5篇 |
1971年 | 3篇 |
1970年 | 6篇 |
1969年 | 6篇 |
排序方式: 共有737条查询结果,搜索用时 0 毫秒
31.
Jonathan Fisher 《Journal of Intervention and Statebuilding》2017,11(1):98-119
ABSTRACTThe physical and social retreat of international interveners behind the walls of ‘bunkered’ aid compounds in (putatively) more remote and dangerous regions of the South has been the focus of growing critical attention in recent years. An increasingly remote and fearful culture of risk aversion and differentiation among Western states and organizations has been largely identified as the driving force behind this set of practices. This article presents a different perspective on the bunkerization phenomenon through focusing on the agency of Southern states in the process. Exploring bunkerization across eastern/central Africa—and in Ethiopia’s eastern Somali region in particular—the study emphasizes not only how African states have been key promoters of modern bunkerization, but also how bunkerization behaviour and mentalities have historically characterized how many African borderlands—and contemporary sites of international intervention—have been incorporated into the global state system. 相似文献
32.
Arthur C. Brooks 《Journal of Comparative Policy Analysis》2003,5(1):29-38
While several studies have probed the determinants of public support for government funding of arts and culture in the United States, little work to date has addressed the question in Europe. Yet as private cultural funding increases in magnitude in most Western European countries, the answer to this question has policy implications. This article formalizes the theory of the determinants of this public support in a model, employs public opinion data from Spain to estimate this model, and compares the results with those from the U.S. I find that support in Spain increases strongly with age, but is insignificant in most other variables. The article's empirical results yield several lessons for cultural policy design. 相似文献
33.
34.
35.
36.
Arthur Kroeger 《Canadian public administration. Administration publique du Canada》1996,39(4):457-468
Abstract: Policy development in the federal government has been characterized by certain constants such as the prominent role of the Department of Finance, Canada's regionalism, and the perennial issue of national unity. Within this framework, however, it is striking how much policy development processes have varied according to who the prime minister was at a particular time. Lester Pearson's years were characterized by “departmental government”: ministers and their departments had considerable autonomy, and matters were brought to cabinet only when they were ripe for decision. The advantages of this system were to some degree offset by a lack of coherence in government operations during this period. Under Pierre Trudeau, there was a major effort to bring systematic approaches to bear on government decisions, with a concomitant increase in the role of the Privy Council Office (PCO). Collective decision-making took up considerably more of ministers' time and left them less time for the management of their departments. The system was found by many to be cumbersome, although some degree of centralization was undoubtedly a necessary response to the growing complexity of government. Brian Mulroney's years, on the other hand, were characterized by a considerable absence of system, supplemented by frequent direct interventions by the pco in operational matters across government. It is not easy to assess these different systems by examining the quality of the decisions that were made under the different prime ministers. Experience illustrates the difficulty of striking the right balance between central direction and ministerial autonomy. The effort must nevertheless be made under each government, with due regard for the lessons of the past. Sommaire: L'élaboration des politiques au gouvernement fédéral se caractérise par certaines constantes telles que le rôle dominant du ministère des Finances, le régionalisme du Canada et l'étemelle question de l'unité nationale. Or, à l'intérieur de ce cadre, il est frappant de constater combien les méthodes d'élaboration des politiques varient en fonction du premier ministre en poste. Les années Lester Pearson se distinguent par le « gouvernement ministériel «, c'est-à-dire que les ministres et leurs ministères avaient une autonomie considérable et ne présentaient les questions au Cabinet qu'au moment de la prise de décision. Les avantages d'une telle démarcheont été quelque peu neutralisés par le manque de cohésion des activitiés du gouvernement à cette époque. Sous Pierre Trudeau, on s'est efforcé de systématiser la manière de prendre les décisions gouvernementales, le Bureau du Conseil Privé (BCP) voyant son rôle s'accroître simultanément. Les prises de décision selon un mode collectif prenaient aux ministres un temps considérable, ce qui leur en laissait moins pour diriger leurs ministères. Beaucoup trouvaient la démarche difficile bien qu'une certaine centralisation s'imposait à la suite de la complexité croissante du gouvernement. Les années Brian Mulroney se caractérisent, pour leur part, par un manque considérable de méthode ponctué par de fréquentes interventions directes du BCP dans les affaires de tout le gouvernement. II n'est pas simple d'évaluer ces différentes périodes en examinant la qualité des décisions prises sous chaque premier ministre. L'expérience montre combien il est difficile de trouver le juste équilibre entre la direction centrale et l'autonomie des ministères. II faut néanmoins, sous chaque gouvernement, faire un effort en ce sens en tenant compte des leçons du passé. 相似文献
37.
38.
He has written widely on popular culture. Among his books are Agit-Pop: Political Culture and Communication Theory; Reading Matter: Multidisciplinary Perspectives on Material Culture;
Political Culture and Public Opinion;and An Anatomy of Humor;all published by Transaction. 相似文献
39.
40.