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201.
Arthur Nieuwendijk 《Journal of Indian Philosophy》1992,20(4):377-418
202.
203.
204.
Arthur Asa Berger 《Society》1993,30(5):23-28
He has written widely on popular culture. Among his books are Agit-Pop: Political Culture and Communication Theory; Reading Matter: Multidisciplinary Perspectives on Material Culture;
Political Culture and Public Opinion;and An Anatomy of Humor,all published by Transaction. 相似文献
205.
206.
A body of accumulating evidence appears to support the finding that collectivist economic concerns and assessments of government economic performance directly influence voting behavior independent of other predispositions and cleavages. This seems reasonable and is well documented across both cultures and time periods. What remains more inconclusive is how to explain fluctuations in the electoral impact of personal economic worries. Our comparison of Norwegian and U.S. data has suggested that cognitive, social and political factors may all influence this association. The political information and cues for connecting the two spheres may be absent for most elections and for most people. Nevertheless, in some elections and under certain conditions individual economic worries can have a significant, independent impact on election outcomes. A major goal of future political-economy research, therefore, should be to specify more completely those factors that facilitate the linkage of personal and collectivist economic concerns. 相似文献
207.
Curtis Arthur Amlund 《Liverpool Law Review》1988,10(1):29-44
BA, Ph.D, University of Minnesota, 1952, 1959. 相似文献
208.
209.
John A. Arthur 《American Journal of Criminal Justice》1991,15(2):153-173
Although Blacks have made economic progress since 1960, these gains have been overshadowed by soaring crime rates. The purpose
of this paper is to examine the effects of unemployment and economic deprivation on Black arrests using data from 50 predominantly
rural counties in Georgia where Blacks comprise 40 percent of the population. The study concludes that Black arrests in the
50 counties forming Georgia’s Black Belt may be linked to the economic and structural conditions associated with Black unemployment,
economic deprivation, and the occupational segregation of Blacks to secondary, low-paying jobs. The findings lend plausibility
to the notion that the low socioeconomic status of Blacks, coupled with their lack of access to the macrostructural opportunity
system creates conditions favoring normative violations. The findings therefore furnish tentative support for opportunity-structure
theory of crime that asserts that the lack of access to opportunity plays a salient role in understanding the causal nexus
of Black involvement in crime. 相似文献
210.