An Evaluation of Pre-Kyoto Differentiation Proposals for National Greenhouse Gas Abatement Targets

Although the Kyoto Protocol has set a precedent for future climate negotiations, particularly with respect to differentiation of targets between countries, the current approach is likely to be insufficient as a foundation for future targets. A more systematic approach is deemed necessary to meet the challenges of negotiating new targets after 2012 as well as involving the USA and perhaps developing countries. We argue that better negotiation tools can be helpful in this regard. We thus present an overview of more systematic differentiation methods for national greenhouse gas reduction targets. We draw from the proposals that were submitted in the climate negotiations from 1995 to 1997 leading up to the Kyoto Protocol, the EU's Triptique approach for internal differentiation of targets, and three proposals discussed in the literature on fairness principles. The most promising and helpful proposals for future negotiations are given particular attention: the second proposal by Japan, the French proposal, the Norwegian proposal, the Brazilian proposal, and Triptique. A numerical illustration of the former three together with the Sovereignty, Egalitarian, and Ability to Pay fairness principles is provided. Using resemblance to the Kyoto Protocol to measure political feasibility, we find that the proposals rank in the order; (1) the second Japanese; (2) the French; (3) the Norwegian; (4) the Sovereignty; (5) the Ability to Pay; and (6) the Egalitarian, the last being particularly infeasible.     

Which Party Gets the Mayoralty? A Multivariate Statistical Investigation of Danish Local Government Formation

In non‐presidential multiparty systems, it is not only the voters but also coalition formation after the election that decides the government of the community. Some national‐level studies investigate which parties are most likely to win the Prime Minister's office. The aim of this article is to investigate the same question at the local level: What makes a party more likely to win the post of mayor? The article finds that party size and change in size are important along with experience and ideological centrality. The results are similar to those obtained at the national level, and this study thus expands the scope of these explanatory variables. However, the study also shows that being a large party is not sufficient for a party to have a good chance of winning the mayoralty. Furthermore, norms guiding appropriate behaviour seem important in addition to instrumental behaviour. It appears that parties that are popular in the electorate benefit from being perceived as more deserving of the mayoralty than others.     

Explaining Oversized Coalitions: Empirical Evidence from Local Governments

Government coalitions should be minimal winning. However, it is an empirical fact that oversized coalitions exist. Several theories have been offered to explain this phenomenon, but they are seldom put to a systematic empirical test. When empirical tests are performed, they are typically based on data on national government formations in post-war Europe. Since these are the data that gave rise to the theories in the first place, there is a risk of post hoc hypothesis reformulation. The purpose of this paper is to test explanations of oversized coalitions systematically in a new empirical setting and thus avoid this circularity problem. We focus on local governments in Denmark and have collected data by a survey sent to almost 3,000 local councillors. We draw hypotheses from three broad theoretical perspectives on oversized coalitions and test them in a logit regression analysis. The analysis shows that oversized coalitions cannot be explained by traditional coalition theories. Our results question the minimalist behavioural logic inherent in most coalition theories and suggest that parties may be motivated by norms.     

The concentrations, appearance and taste of nine sedating drugs dissolved in four different beverages

Sedating drugs are reported to be used in cases where people have been drugged unwittingly. In the present experiments we studied whether nine sedating medicinal drugs would dissolve in four different beverages to reach concentrations which could possibly cause impairment and whether the drugs altered the appearance and taste of the beverages. Nine sedating medicinal drugs were added separately to water, beer, Coca-Cola and ethanol. Drug concentrations were measured 5, 10, 20 and 40 min after spiking. The amount of drug in one swallow (50 mL) was calculated. Appearance and taste were recorded after 10 min. Flunipam, Sobril, Valium and Xanor dissolved faster than Rohypnol, Imovane, Somadril, Rivotril and Dolcontin. Ten minutes after adding Flunipam, Sobril, Imovane (in beer and Coca-Cola), Valium and Xanor, the concentrations had reached more than 50% of maximum theoretical concentration. Most of the drugs caused sediment, pieces and/or turbidity in one or more of the beverages. Some of the solutions were dyed from added Rohypnol (turquoise or green), Dolcontin (red) and Valium (yellow). Flunipam and Valium caused extensive frothing in beer. The tastes of Imovane and Somadril were distinct in all the beverages, while the taste of other drug solutions was less distinct. The ingestion of all solutions could probably have caused impairment. All the nine drugs were, however, apparent to the consumer from the altered appearance and/or taste of the beverages.