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Abstract

When South Africa was emancipated from the oppressive apartheid regime in 1994, it was a severely divided society in need of an inclusive national identity to bind its citizens and maintain peace. Therefore, the state targeted the cultural industries, including film, as a means of promoting symbolic representations of national unity. The film industry was further identified as a priority sector for economic growth and as a potential platform for equitable redress. This article discusses existing and emerging finance, distribution and exhibition structures in the post-apartheid film industry. It considers government interventions in the form of film policies and development strategies with the purpose of examining the influence of globalising forces, in particular neoliberalism, on the apparent market-orientation of such interventions. The results presented indicate that the post-apartheid vision of equality, freedom and diversity does not always sit comfortably with the neoliberal, free-market principles promoted in the Growth, Employment and Redistribution (GEAR) programme of 1996. Moreover, it suggests that in this commercial environment, the voices of the historically oppressed black majority, rather than enjoying a sense of artistic and creative freedom, can in fact encounter commercial censorship through the commodification of films for an export-orientated market.  相似文献   
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Several Canadian and international scholars offer commentaries on the implications of the COVID-19 pandemic for governments and public service institutions, and fruitful directions for public administration research and practice. This second suite of commentaries considers the challenges confronting governments as a result of the COVID-19 pandemic and in the decades to come with an increasingly broad lens: the need to understand and rethink the architecture of the state given recent and future challenges awaiting governments; the need to rethink government-civil society relations and policies to deliver services for increasingly diverse citizens and communities; the need for new repertoires and sensibilities on the part of governments for recognizing, anticipating, and engaging on governance risks despite imperfect expert knowledge and public skepticism; how the COVID-19 crisis has caused us to reconceive international and sub-national borders where new “borders” are being drawn; and the need to anticipate a steady stream of crises similar to the COVID-19 pandemic arising from climate change and related challenges, and develop new national and international governance strategies for fostering population and community resilience.  相似文献   
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The article demonstrates that the rigid use of veto capacity in coalitions causes risks for re-election. Justice was a high-salience domain of the German Liberal Democratic Party (FDP), which occupied this portfolio in its coalition with the Conservative majority in the federal legislative period from 2009 to 2013. By analysing several legislative projects the article shows that their contents or non-adoption were an effect of liberals' vetoes. This policy-seeking strategy provoked conflicts within the coalition and stalemate making it impossible to realise popular measures that would have enhanced the Liberals' reputation and the importance of the domain for the voters who were mainly interested in economic and social policy. Moreover, the Liberals' vetoes led to a loss of support from its major coalition partner in the pre-election campaign. Thus governmental parties have to trade off policy and vote-seeking goals in order to get re-elected.  相似文献   
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Social scientists have the freedom to adopt different methodological approaches when researching development. This article illustrates how four common social scientific methodologies (positivism, social constructivism, action research, and normative political theory) differently conceptualise the effects of sustainability certification on Indonesian smallholder farmers. It shows that each approach results in different insights, offering a web of information to practitioners. Better understanding the different methodologies may help practitioners to take position in dilemmas, not in a linear process of knowledge accumulation, but in an iterative process of research consultation and practices.  相似文献   
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Keine Zusammenfassung  相似文献   
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Grundsätzlich finden in Bezug auf die Kompetenzverteilung zwischen EU und Mitgliedsstaaten für die Verhandlung völkerrechtlicher Verträge und den Erlass von „Durchführungsbestimmungen“ im Rahmen völkerrechtliche Vertragsreihe die allgemeinen Grundsätze der Kompetenzverteilung im Bereich der Außenbeziehungen Anwendung. Diese sind aber mit Blick auf die spezifische Problematik von Verhandlung und Durchführung völkerrechtliche Verträge einer Reihe von Präzisierungen zugänglich, die im Folgenden entwickelt werden. Diese Fragestellung ist allgemein im Recht der Außenbeziehungen von Bedeutung; im Umweltbereich ist sie aber wegen der Fülle völkerrechtlicher Verträge der Gemeinschaft und ihrem Charakter als i.d.R. gemischte Verträge besonders relevant. Astrid Epiney ist Professorin für Europarecht, Völkerrecht und Öffentliches Recht an der Universität Fribourg (CH) und geschäftsführende Direktorin des Instituts für Europarecht der Universitäten Bern, Neuenburg und Fribourg. Domènique Gross ist wissenschaftliche Mitarbeiterin des Instituts für Europarecht.* Der Beitrag wurde im Zusammenhang mit einem vom Schweizerischen Nationalfonds zur Förderung der wissenschaftlichen Forschung mitfinanzierten Projekt über die Kompetenzverteilung im Außenbereich zwischen EG und Mitgliedstaaten im Umweltbereich verfasst.  相似文献   
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