Public Opinion and Federalism, 1986

At a time when Americans are assessing their Constitution, thequestion of how the public views the federal system is important.This article examines questions relating to federalism and intergovernmentalrelations from public opinion polls in an effort to understandpublic attitudes. Different polling organizations asked differentquestions at different times, producing conflicting and oftenincomplete data. Nevertheless, the evidence indicates that Americansrecognize the intergovernmental nature of their system and believethat all their governments should share in the provision andfinancing of public programs and policies. Moreover, they wereselective in their choice of which government should bear theprincipal responsibility for certain functions. Although theywanted a more vigorous federal government and believed thatit gave them more for the dollar, Americans expressed strongsupport for the states. Their attitudes evidence support forthe federal arrangement, a preference for shared authority,and a climate conducive to cooperation.     

The role of coloured papers

Abstract. White, green and other coloured papers have been used by the government of Canada as a means of providing information on public policy and involving parliamentarians and interested groups and individuals in debates on policy issues. They have also been used as a basis for consultation with provincial governments. Although the government has issued papers on a wide variety of subjects over the years, no systematic procedures respecting their use as a policy technique have been established. Nevertheless, these papers have the potential of strengthening the role of Parliament in policy-making activities through debate and public discussion of issues. Some basic measures could be implemented to establish their regular application in policy formulation and review. Sommaire. Le gouvernement du Canada s'est servi de livres blancs, verts et d'autres couleurs pour fournir des renseignements sur les politiques publiques et pour faire participer parlementaires, groupes divers et individus à des débats sur des questions de poJitique générale. Il les a aussi utilisés comme base de discussion lors de consultations avec les gouvernements provinciaux. Le gouvemement a ainsi publié des “livres” sur toutes sortes de sujets au cours des années, mais n'a pas établi de procédures systématiques pour les utiliser en tant que techniques de prise de décision. Néanmoins, ces “livres” peuvent renforcer le rôle du Parlement dans la détermination des politiques, par le truchement du débat et de la discussion publique. Il devrait donc être possible d'adopter certaines mesures pour assurer leur usage régulier dans la formulation et l'examen des politiques.     

The Associations Among Family-of-Origin Violence and Young Adults' Current Depressed, Hopeless, Suicidal, and Life-Threatening Behavior

The purpose of the current study was to determine if college students' retrospective reports of family-of-origin physical abuse were related to their current reports of depressed symptomology, hopelessness, and suicidal and life-threatening behavior. Consistent with hypotheses, abuse by a parent (physical and psychological) and physical perpetration toward a parent were associated with increased rates of suicidal and life-threatening behavior. Gender of the parent was also shown to be important as symptoms of depression were related to mother but not father victimization and perpetration. Contrary to expectation, witnessing parental spouse abuse was not associated with young adults' current symptoms of depression, hopelessness, and suicidal and life-threatening behavior. These findings were interpreted with regard to the intergenerational transmission of violence theory.     

Effects of victims' characteristics on attitudes toward hate crimes

Hate crimes are motivated by perpetrators' prejudice toward targets' group. To examine individuals' attitudes toward hate crime perpetrators and targets, participants responded to vignettes of court cases in which the victim's group membership was varied. Results showed that participants recommended more severe sentences for perpetrators when the targets of their crimes were not White males or White females and reported those crimes as more closely fitting the definition of "hate crime." These results show that participants consider penalty enhancements appropriate for hate crimes and that they do not consider crimes against women to be hate crimes, consistent with present hate crime legislation. These results have implications for the utility and support of hate crime legislation but may showcase the resistance to expanding the legislation to protect individuals of other groups, especially women.     

Evaluation of Police Training on LGBTQ Issues: Knowledge,Interpersonal Apprehension,and Self-Efficacy

The present study evaluates outcomes of a five-hour training session to prepare law enforcement personnel (LEP) to work effectively with LGBTQ individuals and communities. The training was developed collaboratively with the local police department, an LGBTQ community organization, a group of diversity trainers, and the researchers. Approximately 120 LEP participated in the training, and 81 completed pre- and post-test assessments of knowledge, self-efficacy, and interpersonal comfort with LGBTQ people. Paired-sample t-tests demonstrated significant increases in knowledge and confidence in using LGBTQ-affirming tactics on the job. No significant differences were found in participants’ comfort in working with LGBTQ community members. Implications for LEP training on LGBTQ issues and research in assessing LEP for behavioral and affective change are discussed.     

Impunity and Hope

Is there a duty to prosecute grave international crimes? Many have thought so, even if they recognize the obligation to be defeasible. However, the theoretical literature frequently leaves the grounds for such a duty inadequately specified, or unsystematically amalgamated, leaving it unclear which considerations should drive and shape processes of criminal accountability. Further, the circumstance leaves calls to end impunity vulnerable to skeptical worries concerning the risks and costs of punishing perpetrators. I argue that a qualified duty to prosecute can be substantiated on the basis of a single class of reasons, though also that standard justifications of international criminal law (as currently conceived) are not up to the task. The account exploits the expressive dimension of punishment, but locates the central good of criminal accountability in its capacity to appropriately enable an agential stance on the part of subjects in transitional circumstances. It can legitimate, in a way to be specified, hope. The approach also displays the cynicism of an anti‐impunity ethos in the absence of a robust commitment to securing basic human rights in transitional circumstances.