This study examines the relationship between having other-sex versus same-sex best friends and antisocial behavior throughout
early adolescence. Participants (N = 955) were recruited in 6th grade and followed longitudinally through 7th, 8th, and 11th grades. Participants were 58% ethnically
diverse youth and 48% girls. Results indicate that the frequency of other-sex best friendship remained stable from 6th to
7th grade but significantly increased from 8th to 11th grade. Higher rates of concurrent antisocial behavior were related
to having other-sex best friends in 6th grade but not in 7th grade. In 8th grade, there was an interaction between friendship
and the sex of friends. Boys with only same-sex best friends and girls with other-sex best friends endorsed higher rates of
antisocial behavior. Having other-sex best friends predicted antisocial behavior from 6th to 7th grade and 8th to 11th grade,
especially for girls. Implications for the development of early adolescent friendship and antisocial behavior are discussed.
Elizabeth A. Stormshak (Corresponding author)Email:
This study examined dimensions of mothers’ and fathers’ involvement in adolescents’ romantic relationships when offspring
were age 17. Using cluster analysis, parents from 105 White, working and middle class families were classified as positively
involved, negatively involved, or autonomy-oriented with respect to their adolescents’ romantic relationships. Patterns of
parental involvement were generally not associated with parent–offspring relationship quality at about adolescent age 13,
but earlier parent–offspring relationship quality moderated the associations between parental involvement and adolescent romantic
experiences at about age 18. Positive parent–offspring relationship quality buffered the effects of negative parental involvement,
whereas poorer parent–offspring relationship quality was a more adaptive context for adolescents of autonomy-oriented parents.
Discussion focuses on the importance of parenting practices in adolescent romantic relationships and the emotional climate
of parent–offspring relationships as a developmental context for those practices.
We review the theoretical literature on the concept of institutions and its relationship to national development, propose
a definition of the concept, and advance six hypotheses about institutional adequacy and contributions to national development.
We then present results of a comparative empirical study of existing institutions in three Latin American countries and examine
their organizational similarities and differences. Employing the qualitative comparative method (QCA) proposed by Ragin, we
then test the six hypotheses. Results converge in showing the importance of meritocracy, immunity to corruption, absence of
“islands of power,” and proactivity in producing effective institutions. Findings strongly support Peter Evans’ theory of
developmental apparatuses.
Lori D. SmithEmail:
Alejandro Portes
is the Howard Harrison and Gabrielle Snyder Beck Professor of Sociology and director of the Center for Migration and Development
at Princeton University. His current research is on the adaptation process of the immigrant second generation and the rise
of transnational immigrant communities in the United States. His most recent books, co-authored with Rubén G. Rumbaut, are
Legacies: The Story of the Immigrant Second Generation and Ethnicities: Children of Immigrants in America (California 2001).
Lori D. Smith
is a Ph.D. candidate in sociology at Princeton University. Her research interests include international development, organizations,
and political and economic sociology. 相似文献
In 2005 Indonesian and European institutes joined to start the first step for the implementation of an Ocean Operational System
in the Indonesian archipelago. The system will support the decision making process for the sustainable use of marine resources,
providing useful information and added value products as well as a service for an improved management of the sea with high
business impact to targeted groups as public authorities and commercial operators (coastal managers, fishermen, shipping companies).
In this paper the System is shortly described with its potential benefits and economic and social impacts.
Most people mistakenly assume that health care first became a major political issue in 1945 because President Harry S. Truman’s
special address to Congress on Nov. 19 of that year marked the first time a sitting president publicly endorsed a national
health-care program. But the question of whether—or to what extent—it is the responsibility of government to subsidize health
care for its citizens has been around for a much longer amount of time. Now that health care has become a major focus of domestic
political debate, especially in light of the impending presidential election, this article, modified from an entry in the
forthcoming Encyclopedia of Campaigns, Elections, & Electoral Behavior (Sage Publications), serves to inform the reader of the origins and history of health care as a campaign issue.
The flow of foreign direct investment into developing countries varies greatly across countries and over time. The political factors that affect these flows are not well understood. Focusing on the relationship between trade and investment, we argue that international trade agreements—GATT/WTO and preferential trade agreements (PTAs)—provide mechanisms for making commitments to foreign investors about the treatment of their assets, thus reassuring investors and increasing investment. These international commitments are more credible than domestic policy choices, because reneging on them is more costly. Statistical analyses for 122 developing countries from 1970 to 2000 support this argument. Developing countries that belong to the WTO and participate in more PTAs experience greater FDI inflows than otherwise, controlling for many factors including domestic policy preferences and taking into account possible endogeneity. Joining international trade agreements allows developing countries to attract more FDI and thus increase economic growth.相似文献
Questions persist regarding the robustness of cross-sectional estimates of effects of variables that are themselves endogenous
to the participation process. On one hand, the consequences of working on a campaign have interesting implications for democratic
society. Less benign, however, is the possibility that failure to control for reciprocal processes leads to biased estimates
of the causes of campaign participation. I use a panel of Democratic and Republican contributors interviewed following each
of the past three presidential elections (1996, 2000, and 2004) to explore the relationships between campaign participation
and three variables typically parameterized as predictors of participation: receiving a contact, ideological extremism, and
strength of party identification. The effect of strength of party identification on campaign participation proves robust;
however, I find that nearly all of the associations between contacts and participation and ideological extremism and participation
appear to extend from, not into, participation and past participation.
This article compares Moscow’s and Washington’s foreign policies toward the Middle East in 1982 and 2008. In 1982, Moscow
and Washington each had a distinct set of friends and foes. In 2008, Washington still has a distinct set of friends and foes,
but Moscow has relatively good relations with all governments and most major opposition movements in the region—the only exceptions
being Al Qaeda and its affiliates. It is argued that Putin’s policy toward the Middle East is not really aimed at displacing
the U.S. in the region, but protecting Russia and Russian interests from Al Qaeda and its allies. Indeed, a continued American
presence in the region serves to protect Russian interests in the region.