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BEN CLIFT 《The Political quarterly》2007,78(2):282-291
This article analyses Ségolène Royal's rise during 2006 to become the first ever female mainstream French presidential candidate in the context of ongoing presidentialising tendencies within the French Fifth Republic. It considers the extent to which Royal's candidacy represented a turning point for the French Left, not only because of her gender, but also because of her challenge to the Left's traditional organisational and ideological norms of presidential electoral politics. Her participatory democratic campaign organisation, Désirs d'Avenir by-passed traditional party authority structures throughout 2006. However, in the face of declining poll ratings, Royal's candidacy reverted to a more orthodox relationship to the PS as 'presidential party'. Ideologically, her novel political language and down-to-earth style combine with a complex blend of egalitarianism and authoritarianism which treads novel ground. Yet the intriguing elements of her political vision have struggled to coalesce into a coherent and credible presidential programme. 相似文献
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The catchall party remains a useful concept despite the lack of a widely agreed definition or list of parties. This article suggests defining catchall parties based on how they act strategically. Although catchall parties act strategically on both the organisational and ideological dimensions, this article concentrates on three key ideological features: catchall parties are ideologically centrist, dispersed and flexible over time. Relying on original surveys in the Republic of Ireland, which interviewed two-thirds of parliamentarians, it is confirmed that Ireland's ‘catchall’ and ‘programmatic’ parties clearly differ in terms of how they compete ideologically. Ireland's catchall parties employ all three identified strategies. Smaller, more programmatic parties are consistent over time, non-centrist and extremely ideologically coherent on core programmatic issues. The competition between catchall parties and ideological populist parties is a pressing issue, and the Irish case provides new theoretical insights and empirical evidence to understand these party types. 相似文献
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BEN D. MOR 《European Journal of Political Research》2007,46(5):661-683
Abstract. Efforts by governments to affect foreign public opinion through direct communication – and in competition with rival governments – have been a stable and consistent feature of international diplomacy since the turn of the twentieth century. Yet public diplomacy and its use in propaganda wars has not been sufficiently theorized, a lacuna that this article seeks to address by means of the social-psychological theory of self-presentation and impression management. The discussion suggests that public diplomacy is a form of self-presentation for social empowerment, in which rhetorical strategies and associated tactics are means of addressing image predicaments in foreign public opinion. The analysis is illustrated by means of the recent Israeli-Palestinian conflict and its presentation in the official websites of the parties. 相似文献
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SAMUEL P. HUNTINGTON ANWAR IBRAHIM SHEIKH SAUD NASSER AL‐SABBAH MOHAMAD MAHATHIR MOHAMAD KHATAMI MASOUMEH EBTEKAR ABDULLAHI AHMED AN'NA'IM HASSAN AL‐TURABI GABER ASFOUR MICHAEL M. J. FISCHER NILÜFER GÖLE MARTIN MARTY FARIDA FAOUZIA CHARFI LESZEK KOLAKOWSKI MUNAWAR AHMED ANEES DANIEL J. BOORSTIN RYSZARD KAPUSCINSKI IMMANUEL WALLERSTEIN JEAN DANIEL REGIS DEBRAY MAHMOUD HUSSEIN TAHAR BEN JELLOUN KANAN MAKIYA 《新观察季刊》2008,25(1):14-17
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BEN LIM CHIOW ANG 《北京周报(英文版)》2010,53(34):48
In today’s fast paced society,it is considered a luxury to stop and take in the sights,sounds and motion of our surroundings.If we care enough to stop momentarily in our tracks,we would appreciate the essence of culture in a country. 相似文献
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TAHAR BEN JELLOUN 《新观察季刊》2014,31(4):44-45
In 1990, right after the Berlin Wall fell, NPQ published our Spring edition, titled “The New World Disorder,” about the nationalistic chaos and up‐in‐theair sensibility of that fraught new historical moment. Nearly a quarter of a century later, the regime of globalization that had supplanted the Cold War world of blocs is itself coming apart at the seams. Even Henry Kissinger these days says “the world order is crumbling.” Will this New World Disorder 2.0 revert to a system of conflicting blocs, as during the Cold War, or will we be mature enough to save the interdependence of plural identities that is the foundation of a new global civilization? In this section our contributors offer their perspectives on what the future holds. 相似文献
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