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This essay examines the administrative reform process in France since the late 1980s. The key reforms undertaken during this period have sought to delegate greater managerial autonomy to the ministerial field-service level. We undertook semistructured interviews with officials in the field services of three French ministries (Education, Agriculture, and Infrastructure) in the Champagne-Ardennes region, as well as with members of the wider policy communities. The capacity of the field services to adopt a proactive approach to management reform depended on five key variables: internal organizational dynamics; the attitude of the central services to mesolevel autonomy; the degree of institutional receptivity to change; the type of service delivery, and the extent of penetration in local networks. The Infrastructure Ministry was more receptive to management change than either Education or (especially) Agriculture, a receptivity that reflects the institutional diversity of the French administrative system, and that supports new institutionalist arguments. The essay rejects straightforward convergence to the New Policy Management norm. Changes in public management norms require either endogenous discursive shifts or else need to be interpreted in terms of domestic registers that are acceptable or understandable to those charged with implementing reform. 相似文献
3.
This article describes the results of an interest cost analysis of local government debt issuance in the State of Missouri. In Missouri the vast majority of municipal bonds are sold on a “no bid” basis. We discuss the theoretical arguments for and against competition and selection. Then we determine the degree to which cost differences exist while correcting for any potential selection bias. We use data on local government general obligation bonds sold from May 2004 to May 2005 provided by the Missouri State Auditor's office. We find that this substantial lack of competition imposes significant costs on Missouri governments. 相似文献
4.
CHARLES O. JONES 《管理》1991,4(2):150-167
This article proposes a diffusion of responsibility perspective in analyzing post–World War II politics in the United States. Many analysts test the American system by a responsible party perspective, proposing reforms that will orient the system toward the goals of that model. Divided government has characterized much of the period since 1945 and identifiable (and wholly constitutional) politics has accompanied that development. The diffusion of responsibility alternative is characterized by a separated presidency, an expansive Congress, competition between the branches for shared power, and, absent a crisis, a tendency toward perpetuation. 相似文献
5.
DISTANCE DECAY REEXAMINED 总被引:2,自引:0,他引:2
The "journey to crime," or the study of the distance between an offender's residence and offense site, has been a subject of study within criminology for many years. Implications arising from such research touches the majority of criminological theories. An overriding conclusion from this line of research is that most crimes occur in relatively close proximity to the home of the offender. Termed the distance-decay function, a plot of the number of crimes that an offender commits decreases with increasing distance from the offender's residence. In a recent paper, Van Koppen and De Keijser raise the concern that inferring individual distance decay from aggregate-level data may be inappropriate. They assert that previous research reporting aggregated distance-decay functions conceals individual variations in the ranges of operation, which leads them to conclude that the distance-decay function is an artifact. We do not question the claim that researchers should not make inferences about individual behavior with data collected at the aggregate level. However, Van Koppen and De Keijser's analysis raises four important issues concerning (1) the interpretation of the ecological fallacy, (2) the assumption of linearity in offender movements, (3) the interpretation of geographic work on profiling, and (4) the assumption of random target selection within a delimited range of operation. Using both simulated and nonsimulated data, we present evidence that reaches vastly different conclusions from those reached by Van Koppen and De Keijser. The theoretical implications of our analyses and possibilities for future research are addressed. 相似文献
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DONALD RUMSFELD PAUL KENNEDY JOE NYE ZBIGNIEW BRZEZINSKI SAMUEL HUNTINGTON FRANCIS FUKUYAMA GEORGE SOROS HILLARY CLINTON BILL CLINTON JOHN POLANYI CHRIS PATTEN JAMES WOLFENSOHN GLORIA MACAPAGAL ARROYO ABDULAZIS OTHMAN ALTWAJIRI HASSAN AL‐TURABI KHALED M. AL‐ANKARY JACK VALENTI AKBAR AHMED KIM DAE JUNG EDWARD SAID JUAN GOYTISOLO ALEJANDRO TOLEDO JOSEPH STIGLITZ DESMOND TUTU 《新观察季刊》2008,25(1):18-21
8.
Conventional wisdom suggests that individual members of Congress have no real incentive to act in ways that might improve public evaluations of their collective body. In particular, the literature provides no clear evidence that public evaluations of Congress affect individual races for Congress, and little reason to expect that voters would hold specific individuals responsible for the institution's performance. We suggest that this conventional wisdom is incorrect. Using multiple state‐level exit polls of Senate voting conducted by Voter News Service in 1996 and 1998, we arrive at two key findings. First, we find that evaluations of Congress do have a significant effect on voting within individual U.S. Senate races across a wide variety of electoral contexts. Second, we find that punishments or rewards for congressional performance are not distributed equally across all members, or even across members of a particular party. Instead, we find that the degree to which citizens hold a senator accountable for congressional performance is significantly influenced by that senator's actual level of support for the majority party in Congress, as demonstrated on party votes. 相似文献
9.
ILYA PRIGOGINE STEPHEN HAWKING PIET HUT JOHN POLANYI BILL JOY AMORY LOVINS FRANCIS FUKUYAMA JACQUES ATTALI PETER SLOTERDIJK LEON KASS JAMES WATSON IAN WILMUT CRAIG VENTER DANIEL COHEN WILLIAM HASELTINE GERALD EDELMAN DAVID BALTIMORE JOSHUA LEDERBERG NORMAN BOURLAG JIMMY CARTER PAUL BOYER DANIEL COHN‐BENDIT JAMES HANSEN MARIO MOLINA FARIDA FAOUZIA CHARFI AHMED ZEWAIL ALAIN TOURAINE MUNAWAR ANEES CZESLAW MILOSZ 《新观察季刊》2008,25(1):48-51
10.
BILL COSTELLO 《今日中国(英文版)》2011,(2):34-35
The world’s top saver and its biggest spender will both benef it if their financial attitudes show more convergence. CHINA is like the ant and America is like the grasshopper. 相似文献