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51.
Ethanol was determined by gas chromatography in a variety of tissues and body fluids secured at autopsy in 61 cases. The specimens tested included right and left heart blood, femoral blood, pericardial fluid, cerebrospinal fluid, vitreous humor, urine, stomach contents, and brain. Statistical analysis of the cases revealed no significant differences among the various blood sites tested. However, the variations in blood ethanol concentrations among the various sampling sites within each case were as follows: 40 cases showed differences of less than 25%; 16 cases revealed variability between 25% and 50%, 4 cases had differences exceeding 50%. In one case, satisfactory blood analyses could not be accomplished. The larger variances occurred especially in those instances in which stomach alcohol concentration was 0.50% or greater. In one case, the variability amongst the different blood sites exceeded 400% (femoral blood--0.043%, right atrium--0.070%, root of aorta--0.156%); the brain was 0.050%, and the stomach contents was 1.2%. For all 61 cases, variances in blood alcohol content among the different sampling sites in a single cadaver ranged from 1.8 to 428%. 相似文献
52.
Dawn H. Currie 《Critical Criminology》1990,1(2):77-96
Within the context of legal reform, the Battered Wife Movement has divided feminists on the question of criminal justice as
a desirable component of a feminist agenda. Thus it provides a good example of the dilemmas of developing a feminist theory
about the state as the basis for informed practice. In this paper, Currie overviews the way in which the BWM has been transformed
from a radical demand for the redistribution of social power into an expansion of current patriarchal institutions. As an
example of the institutionalization of feminist issues, however, she rejects explanations of this transformation as simply
ideological revision by the state. Rather, Currie notes that it occurs through and not against feminist discourse, meaning
that we must acknowledge theory as practice if we are to develop a truly subversive and liberatory discourse within feminist
scholarship. 相似文献
53.
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55.
Deoxyribonucleic acid (DNA) typing of ribosomal ribonucleic acid (rRNA) genes was performed with a polymerase chain reaction (PCR) assay for species identification. A variable region of the 28S ribosomal RNA gene was amplified with primers complementary to flanking sequences phylogenetically well conserved. The products of twelve animal DNAs (human, Japanese monkey, dog, cattle, pig, cat, rabbit, mouse, rat, chicken, frog, and fish) were separated by polyacrylamide gel electrophoresis, each revealing a few bands ranging from 150 to 100 base pairs. The band patterns obtained from each DNA sample differed in number and size, which indicates the applicability of the method to species identification. Samples containing either as little as 1 pg of DNA or degraded DNA of 0.2 to 0.5 kb in length were able to give detectable bands. Postmortem human tissue DNAs were tested as an example. They showed a pattern identical to the human control one, which was distinct from those of the other animals examined. 相似文献
56.
Policy analysis for the Congress is a timely subject. Several policy initiatives have emerged recently from the “first branch.” Others have demonstrated an independent capacity for analysis that is impressive by historical standards. This article introduces a practitioner symposium of three related works on policy analysis for Congress, with appropriate commentary by a distinguished veteran. It argues that because timing is crucial in the congressional policy process, anticipation and advance preparation are central to the effective use of analysis. The other articles illustrate the stages of advance preparation—of the policy analyst, the congressional environment, and the Member for voting—in the form of case studies. 相似文献
57.
Ministerialrat a. D. Prof. Dr. Ernst-Rainer Hönes 《Natur und Recht》2005,27(5):279-285
Der Begriff der Landeskultur umfasst alle Maßnahmen zur Verbesserung der land- und forstwirtschaftlichen Nutzung des Bodens einschließlich der Erhaltung der Kulturlandschaft. Landeskultur ist somit alles Planen und Handeln mit dem Ziel, die Umwelt als gegebenes Naturraumpotential, insbesondere Wasser, Boden, Luft und die dazugehörigen Natur-, Kultur- und Sachgüter optimal zu erhalten, gestalten und rationell zu nutzen sowie dieses Potential mit bestmöglicher Qualität als natürliche und kulturelle Lebensgrundlage für die Allgemeinheit nachhaltig zu sichern. Landeskultur dient somit auch der Belebung und Werterhöhung der gebauten und gepflanzten Umwelt. Dies schließt auch und gerade die kulturelle Seite einschließlich Kulturlandschaften mit ein. Dabei ist es bis zur Überprüfung durch das BVerfG noch hinnehmbar, dass der Begriff „Landeskultur“ in Art. 89 Abs. 3 GG wegen der Mischkompetenz von Bund und Land vom BVerwG enger ausgelegt wird als in anderen Rechtsvorschriften. 相似文献
58.
This article provides a case study of the Victorian Women on Farms Gatherings (WOFG) to redress the lack of attention political historians have paid to farm women. Using materials collected by Museum Victoria, we trace the reasons for farm women's activism during the latter part of the twentieth century, and document the activities and outcomes of the Gatherings held annually since 1990. Our study demonstrates that farm women see politics as multi-faceted and heterogeneous. In short, there are no clear binaries between the political and non-political. This demonstrates the need to avoid masculinist and conventional definitions of politics, which obscure the political activities of women. Politics should not be conceptualised in a manner which associates women as a group with informal and non-traditional political activity. This simply reinscribes the types of binaries that have encouraged the omission of women from political history. 相似文献
59.
60.
Barbara Buchner Carlo Carraro 《International Environmental Agreements: Politics, Law and Economics》2006,6(1):63-89
Despite the entry into force of the Kyoto Protocol, the US decision not to comply with its Kyoto commitments seems to drastically undermine the effectiveness of the Protocol in controlling GHG emissions. Therefore, it is important to explore whether there are economic incentives that might help the US to modify its current decision and move to a more environmentally effective climate policy. For example, can an increased participation of developing countries induce the US to effectively participate in the effort to reduce GHG emissions? Is a single emission trading market the appropriate policy framework to increase the signatories of the Kyoto Protocol? This paper addresses the above questions by analysing whether the participation of China in the cooperative effort to control GHG emissions can provide adequate incentives for the US to re-join the Kyoto process and eventually ratify the Kyoto Protocol. This paper analyses three different climate regimes in which China could be involved and assesses the economic incentives for the major world countries and regions to participate in these three regimes. The main conclusion is that the participation of the US in a climate regime is not likely, at least in the short run. The US is more likely to adopt unilateral policies than to join the present Kyoto coalition (even when it includes China). However, a two bloc regime would become the most preferred option if both China and the US, for some political or environmental reasons, decide to cooperate on GHG emission control. If the US decides to cooperate, the climate regime that provides the highest economic incentives to the cooperating countries is the one in which China and the US cooperate bilaterally, with the Annex B?US countries remaining within the Kyoto framework. 相似文献