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891.
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894.
Dettmeyer R Parzeller M Laux J Friedl H Zedler B Bratzke H 《Archiv für Kriminologie》2011,227(3-4):85-101
In the last few years, male circumcision has become the subject of controversial discussion. On the one hand, medical and hygienic arguments, ideology, freedom of religion, cultural identity and social adequacy are claimed by those supporting male circumcision. On the other hand, the justification of this practice also has to be critically scrutinized just as the question whether the parents have the right to consent to the operation. Today, opinions range from those who claim that religion and culture alone justify the practice to those who consider circumcision of minors unable to give their consent as bodily injury subject to punishment. In contrast to female genital mutilation, most positions do not postulate that circumcision violates morality. If the person concerned is able to give his consent, freedom of religion may also justify circumcision after weighing its pros and cons as well as its risks and potential side effects. 相似文献
895.
Rural African American children living in poverty have a higher prevalence rate of mental health disorders than their urban
counterparts. While access to mental health services is lacking in resource scarce rural communities, African American rural
residents may also be the most likely to confront significant barriers to care and help-seeking. Studies of mental health
help-seeking behavior among rural families are rare, even rarer are studies of African Americans living in these areas. To
address this gap, the current study examined perceptions about help-seeking for adolescents with mental health problems among
rural African American families. Data were obtained from African American mothers in rural Georgia to assess their perceptions
of the mental health service system, help-seeking processes, and service experiences. A mixed-method approach was implemented,
integrating a quantitative survey (n = 163) with qualitative interviews (subsample n = 21). Most of the mothers expressed
confidence in mental health care providers’ to help. Preferred sources of support, however, were family, church, and schools.
Community stigma towards children with mental health problems and their families was a frequently endorsed perceived barrier
to help-seeking. Although cultural mistrust was one of the two most frequently endorsed barriers in the survey, it did not
emerge as a universal barrier to help-seeking for the mothers in this sample. Implications for research, policy, and practice
include addressing family concerns about stigma, preferences for informal support and non-specialty services in addressing
adolescents’ mental health problems, and building community resources to enable all youth to participate in community life. 相似文献
896.
James Hogan Craig Bennell Alyssa Taylor 《Journal of Police and Criminal Psychology》2011,26(2):100-111
The role of the middle manager is crucial to a police organization. Despite this, little research exists concerning the characteristics
of effective police managers, or the role that the promotional process and/or training plays in identifying and developing
effective managers. To examine these issues, 328 Canadian police officers were surveyed and interviews were conducted with
an additional 50 police professionals. The results highlight: (1) the importance of management in achieving organizational
goals, (2) key characteristics of effective managers and common mistakes managers make, and (3) concerns surrounding the promotional
process and the lack of managerial training. The implications of these findings are discussed. 相似文献
897.
Russell BJ 《International journal of law and psychiatry》2011,34(5):349-353
Though community treatment orders (CTOs) were first used in 1986 in Australia, debate about their clinical and ethical merits continues even today. For some, the benefits of reduced frequency and duration of involuntary hospitalizations are believed to adequately outweigh the harms of restricted liberties in community living. For others, however, such benefits are believed to be achievable by simply arranging integrated, devoted community resources sans any threat of forced re-hospitalization. In response to this enduring controversy, this article examines the ethical merits of community orders using a novel approach. “Novel” because the examination is based on research ethics and its foundational principles.When hospital and community clinicians, family members, consumer/survivors, and advocacy groups discussed the idea of amending Ontario's mental health legislation to permit CTOs in the late 1990s, evidence of their effects and efficacy was very limited. Moreover, an order was characterized much like standard pharmacological or medical therapies because the person or an appropriate substitute decision maker's consent was necessary to authorize the order or make it valid. These two factors prompted this retrospective analysis: if CTOs - as a public policy initiative - had been treated like most other promising therapies, would any different ethics-related concerns have been raised that, in turn, would have benefited the public debate and the legislature's decisions? In other words, if respected safeguards that apply to new drugs and medical devices had applied to CTOs, would anything have changed? 相似文献
898.
899.
Barbara Hogenboom Alex E. Fernández Jilberto 《Journal of Public Affairs (14723891)》2014,14(3-4):283-295
In the 1980s and 1990s, the confluence of the third wave of democracy, neo-liberal economic reforms and economic crises in Latin America, produced several significant consequences for the region's underdeveloped interest group systems. By using an international political economy approach, this article examines these developments and particularly how neo-liberal policies affected the political fortunes of big business plus the broader political fall-out from neo-liberal policies. In essence, we make the argument that, for three reasons, the consequences of the confluence of these three developments for Latin America's emerging interest group system are mixed in terms of a more pluralist, open-access system. First, the influence of big business persists and in many ways has been enhanced as the economically and politically privileged position of large private companies since the 1980s has given way to economic concentration, transnationalization and the rise of multilatinas (Latin American multinational companies, which primarily operate across the region). Second, political opportunities have been opened for a range of interests, many from the left, that likely would not otherwise have emerged so early in the region. Third, the election of leaders opposed to neo-liberal policies may transform Latin America's political economy and aid in the democratization of its interest group system. Copyright © 2012 John Wiley & Sons, Ltd. 相似文献
900.
Barbara Hogenboom 《Journal of Public Affairs (14723891)》2014,14(3-4):296-309
This article analyzes how the relations between Mexico's private sector, particularly that of business power groups and interest groups, and the political elite changed as a result of processes of neo-liberalization and democratization from the early 1980s through the presidency of Vicente Fox (2000–2006). The analysis provides several insights into Mexico's developing interest group system during these years and particularly that of business interests. On the one hand, the changes increased political pluralism, the number of groups operating, and their lobbying options and helped move Mexico toward liberal democracy. On the other hand, with its major resources and political connections, big business was able to maintain, in fact enhance, its political status, whereas small business was less politically successful. Moreover, many old political practices used by big business to influence government persist as well as skepticism among the public regarding democratic institutions. As a consequence, this article argues that despite the new developments in political advocacy, the continuation of traditional political practices presents obstacles to the development of interest group activity resulting in a plutocratic element to Mexico's emerging democracy. Copyright © 2013 John Wiley & Sons, Ltd. 相似文献